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Full text of "A discourse concerning unlimited submission and non-resistance to the higher powers : with some reflections on the resistance made to King Charles I. and on the anniversary of his death: in which the mysterious doctrine of that prince's saintship and martyrdom is unriddled: the substance of which was delivered in a sermon preached in the West Meeting-House in Boston the Lord's-Day after the 30th of January, 1749/50. : Published at the request of the hearers."

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OF  THE 
UNIVERSITY 


A 

DISCOURSE 

CONCERNING 

Unlimited   Submiffion   I 

AND 

Non-Refiftance         I 

TO     THE 

HIGHER  POWERS: 

With   fome   REFLECTIONS   on  the   RESISTANCE    made   to 

King   CHARLES   I.  J 

AND     ON     THE 

Anniverfary    of  his  Death  : 

In  which   the  MYSTERIOUS  Do&rine   of  that  Prince's 
Saintfhip  and  Martyrdom  is  UNRIDDLED  : 

The  Subftance  of  which  was  delivered  inaSERMON  preached  in 
the  Weft  Meeting-Houfe  in  Bofton  the  LORD'S- DAY  after  the 
3Oth  of  January,  1749  1  5°- 

Publijhed  at   the   Requfft    of    the  Hearers. 

By  JONATHAN  [MAYHEW,  A.  M. 

Paftor   of  Ihe   Weft"  Church   in    Bofion. 

Fear    GOD,    honor    the    King.  Saint    PAUL. 

He   that  ruleth  '  over  Men,  muft  be  juft,  ruling  in  the  Fear  of  GOD. 

Prophet   SAMUEL. 

1  have  faid,  ye  are  Gods —  hut  ye  Jhall  die  like  Men,  and  fall  like 
one  of  the  PRINCES.  King  DAVID. 

Quid   memorem   infandas  caedes  ?     quid  fada  TYRANNJ 
Effera   ?     Dii   CAPITI   ipfius  GENERIQUE   refervent— 
Necnon    Threicius  longa    cum  vefle   SACERDOS 
Obloquitur Rom.    Vat.  Priir. 

BOSTON,  Printed   and  Sold  by   D.   FOWLE    in   Queen- ftreet  ; 
and  by  D.  GOOKIN  over-againft  the  South-Meeting- Houfe.   i7S°* 


P  R  E  F  A  C 


CT^H  E  enfuing  difcourfe  is  the  lafl  of  three  upon  the 

JL     fame  fuljeft,  with  feme  little  alterations  and  addi 

tions.     It  is  hoped  that  but   few    will  think    the 

fubjeft  of  it  an  improper   one  to  be  difcourfed   on  in   the 

pulpit,  under  a  notion  that  this  is  preaching  politics,  inftead 

of  CHRIST.     However,  to  remove  all  prejudices  cf  this 

fort,  I  beg  it  may  be  remembred,   that  "  all  fcripture  —  is 

profitable  for  do5trine,for  reproof,  for  CORRECTION  Jor 

inftrufiion  in  right  eoufnefs"  *     Why,  then,JJoould  not  thofe 

parts  of  fcripture  which  relate  to  civil  government,  be  ex 

amined  and  explained  from  the  dejk,  as  well  as  others  ?  Obe 

dience   to  the  civil  magistrate  is  a  chri&ian  duty  :  and  if 

fo,  whyjhould  not  the  nature,  grounds  and  extent  of  it  be 

conftdered  in  a  Christian  ajfembly  ?  Eefides,  if  it  be  faid,  that 

it  is  out  of  character  for  a  chriflian  mini  ft  er  to  meddle  with 

fuch  a  fubjeft,  this  cenfure  will  at  laft  fall  upon  the  holy 

apoftles.     They  write  upon  it  in  their  epislles  to  chrlfiian 

churches  :  And  furely  it  cannot  be  deemed  either  criminal  or 

impertinent,  to  attempt  an  explanation  of  their  doftrine. 

If  was  the  near  approach  of  the  Thirtieth  of  January, 
that  turned  my  thoughts  to  this  fubjeft  :  on  which  folemnity 
the  flavifh  doftrins  of  pajjive  obedience  and  non-rejiftance^ 

*  Z  Pet.   iii.   1  6, 


PREFACE. 

is  often  warmly  averted  -,  and  the  diff enters  from  the  efta- 
blijhed  church,  reprefented,  not  only  as  feifmatics,  (with  more 
of  triumph  than  of  truth,  and  of  choler  than  Christianity) 
but  alfo    as  perfons  of  /editions,  traiterous  and  rebellious 
principles — GOD  be  thanked  one  may^   in  any  part  of  the 
britifli  dominions,  fpeak  freely  (if  a  decent  regard  be  paid 
to  thofe  in  authority)  both  of  government  and  religion  ;  and 
even  give  feme  broad  hints,  that  he  is  engaged  on  the  fide 
ef  Liberty,  the  BIBLE  and  Common  Senfe,    in  oppofition 
to  Tyranny,  PRIEST-CRAFT  and  Non-fenfe,  without  being 
in  danger  either  of  the  baftile  or  the  inquifuion  : — 'Though 
there  will  always  be  fome  interejied  politicians,  contracted 
bigots,  and  hypocritical  zealots  for  a  parly,  to  take  offence 
at  fuch  freedoms.     Their  cenjure  is  praife  :  Their praife 
is  infamy — A  fpirit  of  domination  is  always  to  be  guarded 
again/I  both  in  church  and  ft  ate,  even  in  times  of  the  greatefl 
fecurity  ;    fuch  as   the  prefent  is  amongft  US  -,    at  leajl  as 
to  the  latter.     Thofe  nations  who  are  now  groaning  under 
the  iron  fcepter  of  tyranny,  were  once  free.     So  they  might  ^ 
probably,  have  remained,  by  a  feafonable  precaution  againfl 
defpotic  meafures.     Civil  tyranny  is  ufually  fmall  in  its  be 
ginning,  like  "  the  drop  of  a  bucket,"  *    /;'//  at  length y 
like  a  mighty  torrent,  or  the  raging  waves  of  the  fea,  it 
tears  down  all  before  it,  and  deluges  whole  countries  and 
empires.     Thus  it  is  as  to  ecclejiajlical  tyranny  alfo, — the 
wosJ  cruel,  intolerable  and  impious,   of  any.     From  fmall 
beginnings,  "  //  exalts  itfelf  above  all  that  is  called  GOD 
*'  and  that  is  worjhipped"  f    People    have  no  fecurity 

*   Ifai.  xi.    15.         f  2  Thef.   ii.    4; 

againft 


PREFACE. 

againSt  being  unmercifully  prieft-ridden,  but  by  keeping  all 
imperious  BISHOPS,  and  other  CLERGTMEN  who  love 
to  "  lord  it  over  God's  heritage"  from  getting  their  foot 
into  the  ftirrup  at  all.  Let  them  be  once  fairly  mounted, 
and  their  "  bsajls,  the  laiety,"  4.  may  prance  and  flounce 
about  to  no  purpofe  :  And  they  will,  at  length,  be  fo  jaded 
and  hack'd  by  thefe  reverend  jockies,  that  they  will  not 
even  have  fpirits  enough  to  complain,  that  their  backs  are 
galled  ;  or,  like  Balaam' s  afs,  to  "  rebuke  the  madnefs 
^  of  the  prophet."  \\ 

"  THE  mysJery  of  iniquity  began  to  work"  f  even 
in  the  days  of  fome  of  the  apo files.  But  the  kingdom  of 
Antichrift  was  then,  in  one  refpeft,  like  the  kingdom  of 
heaven,  however  different  in  all  others. — •//  was  "  as  a 
"  grain  of  muftard-/eed. "  *  <Tbis  grain  was  fown,  in 
Italy,  that  fruitful  field  :  And  though  it  were  "  the  leaft 
"  of  all  feeds,"  it  foon  became  a  mighty  tree.  It  has, 
long  fence,  overfpread  and  darkned  the  greatejl  part  of 
Chriftendom,  fo  that  we  may  apply  to  it  what  is  faid  of 
the  tree  which  Nebuchadnezzar  faw  in  his  vifien —  "  The 
"  height  thereof  reacheth  unto  heaven,  and  the  fight  thereof 
*c  to  tie  end  of  all  the  earth— And  THE  BEASTS  OF 
*c  THE  FIELD  have  Jhadow  under  it."  Tyranny  brings 
ignorance  and  brutality  along  with  it.  It  degrades  men 
from  their  juft  rank,  into  the  clafs  of  brutes.  It  damps  their 
fpirits.  It  fuppreffes  arts.  It  extinguijhes  every  fpark  of 
noble  ardor  and  generofity  in  the  breafts  of  thofe  who  are 
en/laved  by  it.  It  makes  naturally-ftrong  and  great  minds, 

4-  Mr.  LcJRe.     \\    2  Pet.  ii.   16.     f  2  Thef.  ii  7.     *  Mat.  xin.  31. 

feebh 


P  R  E  F  A  C  E. 

feeble  and  little  ;  and  triumphs  over  the  ruins  of  virtue 
and  humanity.  This  is  true  of  tyranny  in  every  Jhape- 
There  can  be  nothing  great  and  good,  where  its  influence 
reaches.  For  which  reafon  it  becomes  every  friend  to  truth 
and  human  kind  ;  every  lover  of  God  and  the  chriftian 
religion,  to  bear  a  part  in  oppojing  this  hateful  monjler.  It 
was  a  defire  to  contribute  a  mite  towards  carrying  on  a  war 
againft  this  common  enemy  ,  that  produced  the  following  dif- 
courfe.  And  if  ii  ferve  in  any  meafure,  to  keep  up  a  fpirit 
of  civil  and  religious  liberty  amongfl  us,  my  end  is  anr 
fwered.  —  There  are  virtuous  and  candid  men  in  all  fetls  ; 
all  fuch  are  to  be  efleemed  :  There  are  alfo  vicious  men 
and  bigots  in  all  Jefts  ;  and  all  fuch  ought  to  be  defpifed. 

W.Xft  #'liSP^Pp|^pBp-^^       -  -  .-inyl 

"  To  virtue  only  and  her  friends,  a  friend  ; 

"  The  world   befide   may  murmur  or  commend. 

"  Know,  all  the  diftant  din    that  world  can   keep 

"  Rolls  o'er  my  grotto,  and  but  fooths  my  deep.55 

ii'i  ^,5?  v  T,  •••'.  J':M  uVvJ\?? 

^u 

,aa-'aui  ^^ 


• 


Jonathan  May  hew. 

v  J 


Concerning  Unlimited  Submifllon 
and    Non-Reliftance     to  the 

Higher  Powers. 

ROM.    XIII.     i. 8. 

.. 

1.  Let  every   foul  be  fubjeft  unto  the   higher  powers.     For  there  is 
no  power  but    of  God :  the  powers    that    be,  are  ordained  of  God. 

2.  Whofoever  therefore  refiftetb  the  power,    rejtftetb  the  ordinance  of 
God :    and  they   that   refift,  Jhall  receive  to  themf elves  damnation. 

3.  For   rulers   are  not   a   terror  to  good  works,   but    to    the   evil. 
Wilt    thou   then   not   be  afraid  of   the   power  ?     do    that   which  is 
good,    and  thou  Jhalt   have  praife    of  the  fame  : 

4.  For    he  is   the  minifer    of  God  to    thee  for  good.      But  if  thou 
do   that  which   is   evil,  be   afraid-,    for  he   btaretb   not   the  fword 
in  vain    :    for   he   is  the   minifter  of   God,    a  revenger  to   execute 
wrath    upon   him  that    doth  evil. 

5.  Wherefore  ye  mufl   needs   be  fubjeft,     not  only  for   wrath 9  but 
alfo  for  conference  fake. 

6.  For,   for   this  caufe  pay  you   tribute  al/o  :   for   they   are   God's 
tnlniflers,  attending   continually  upon   this   very   thing. 

7.  Render   therefore   to  all  their   dues  :  tribute   to  whom   tribute  is 
due  ;  cuflom,  to   whom   cuftom  \fear,   to  whom  fear  ;  honour,  to  whom 
honour. 

IT  is  evident  that  the  affair  of  civil  government  may 
properly  fall  under  a  moral  and  religious  confidera- 
tion,  at  leaft  fo  far  forth  as  it  relates  to  the  general 
nature  and  end  of  magiftracy,  and  to  the  grounds 
and  extent  of  that  fubmifiion   which  perfons  of  a  private 
charafter,  ought  to  yield  to  thofe  who  are  vefted  with 

B  authority. 


2          Of  unlimited  Submiffion^    and 

authority.  This  muft  be  allowed  by  all  who  acknow 
ledge  the  divine  original  of  chriftianity.  For  although 
there  be  a  fenfe,  and  a  very  plain  and  important  fenfe, 
in  which  Chrift's  kingdom  is  not  of  this  world  ;  f  his  in- 
fpired  apoftles  have,  neverthelefs,  laid  down  fome  general 
principles  concerning  the  office  of  civil  rulers,  and  the 
duty  of  fubjects,  together  with  the  reafon  and  obligation 
of  that  duty.  And  from  hence  it  follows,  that  it  is  pro 
per  for  all  who  acknowledge  the  authority  of  Jefus  Chrift, 
and  the  infpiration  of  his  apoftks,  to  endeavour  to  under. 
Hand  what  is  in  fact  the  doctrine  which  they  have  deli 
vered  concerning  this  matter.  It  is  the  duty  of  chriftian 
magiflrates  to  inform  themfelves  what  it  is  which  their 
religion  teaches  concerning  the  nature  and  defign  of  their 
office.  And  it  is  equally  the  duty  of  all  chriftian  peo 
ple  to  inform  themfelves  what  it  is  which  their  religion 
teaches  concerning  that  fubjection  which  they  owe  to 
the  higher  powers.  It  is  for  thefe  reafons  that  I  have 
attempted  to  examine  into  the  fcripture- account  of  this 
matter,  in  order  to  lay  it  before  you  with  the  fame 
freedom  which  I  conftantly  ufe  with  relation  to  other 
doctrines  and  precepts  of  chriftianity  ;  not  doubting 
but  you  will  judge  upon  every  thing  offered  to  your 
conn* deration,  with  the  fame  fpirit  of  freedom  and  liberty 
with  which  it  is  fpoken. 
-SttLQn  bnfiWrcifc  . 

THE  paffage  readris  the  moft  full  and  exprefs  of  any 
in  the  new-teftament,  relating  to  rulers  and  fubjedls  : 
And  therefore  I  thought  it  proper  to  ground  upon  it, 
what  I  had  to  propofe  to  you  with  reference  to  the 

f  John  xviii.  36. 

authority.' 


Non-Re f^Jlance  to  the  Higher  Powers.     3 

authority  of  the  civil  magiftrate,  and  the  fubjecYion 
which  is  due  to  him.  But  before  I  enter  upon  an  ex 
planation  of  the  feveral  parts  of  this  pafiage,  it  will 

be  proper  to  obferve  one  thing  which  may  ferve  as  a 

i4*'  L         L  i       r-* 

key  to  the   whole  of  it. 

*  '..    ;•-  •;;«-•  7     .. 

IT  is  to  be  obferved,  then,  that  there  were  fome 
perfons  amongft  the  chriftians  of  the  apoftolic  age,  and 
particularly  thofe  at  Rome,  to  whom  St.  Paul  is  here 
writing.,  who  feditioufly  difclaimed  all  fubjeclion  to  civil 
authority  ;  refuting  to  pay  taxes,  and  the  duties  laid 
upon  their  trafic  and  merchandize  ;  and  who  fcrupled 
not  to  fpeak  of  their  rulers,  without  any  due  regard 
to  their  office  and  character.  Some  of  thefe  turbulent 
cbriftians  were  converts  from  judaifm,  and  others  from 
paganifm.  The  jews  in  general  had,  long  before  this 
time,  taken  up  a  ftrange  conceit,  that  being  the  pecu 
liar  and  eleft  people  of  God,  they  were,  therefore,  ex 
empted  from  the  jurifdicYion  of  any  heathen  princes  or 
governors.  Upon  this  ground  it  was,  that  fome  of 
them,  during  the  public  miniflry  of  our  bleffed  Saviour, 
came  to  him  with  that  queftion — Is  it  lawful  to  give 
tribute  unto  Cefar  or  not  ?  *  And  this  notion  many  of 
them  retained  after  they  were  profelyted  to  the  cbri- 
JlianKith.  As  to  the  gentile  converts,  fome  of  them, 
grofly  miftook  the  nature  of  that  liberty  which  the  gof- 
pel  promifcd  ;  and  thought  that  by  virtue  of  their 
fubjecYion  to  Chrift,  the  only  King  and  Head  of  his 
church,  they  were  wholly  freed  from  fubjeclion  to  any 
other  prince  ;  as  tho'  Chrift's  kingdom  bad  been  of  this 

*  Matth.  xxii.   17. 

w&itt, 


4       Of  unlimited  Submijjion^  and 

world)  in  fuch  a  fenfe  as  to  interfere  with  the  civil 
powers  of  the  earth,  and  to  deliver  their  fubjects  from 
that  allegiance  and  duty,  which  they  before  owed  to 
them.  Of  thefe  vifionary  chriftians  in  general,  who  dif- 
owned  fubjection  to  the  civil  powers  in  being  where 
they  refpectively  lived,  there  is  mention  made  in  feveral 
places  in  the  new-teftament :  The  apoftle  Peter  in  par 
ticular,  characterizes  them  in  this  manner — them  that— 
*"  defpi/e  government — prefumptuous  are  they,  felf -willed,  they 
are  not  afraid  to  fpeak  evil  of  dignities,  f  Now  it  is 
with  reference  to  thefe  doting  chriftians,  that  the 
apoftle  fpeaks  in  the  paflage  before  us.  And  I  fhall 
now  give  you  the  fenfe  of  it  in  a  paraphrafe  upon  each 
verfe  in  its  order,  defiring  you  to  keep  in  mind  the 
character  of  the  perfons  for  whom  it  is  defigned,  that 
fo,  as  I  go  along,  you  may  fee  how  juft  and  natural 
this  addrefs  is  •,  and  how  well  fuited  to  the  circumftances 

of  thofe  againft  whom  it  is  levelled. 

;tf    \<ner*i3:v  .-:•;} 

THE  apoftle  begins  thus — Let  every  foul  *    be  fubjett 
unto  the  higher  powers  ;  ||  for  there  is  no  power  §  but  of 

,  'a^$  *YttAt2l 

f    2  Pet.  11.   10. 

*  E<v ery  JouL  This  is  an  bebraifm,  which  fignifies  every  man  ;  fo 
that  the  apoftle  does  not  exempt  the  clergy :  fuch  as  were  endow 
ed  with  the  gift  of  prophefy,  or  any  other  miraculous  powers 
which  fubfifted  in  the  church  at  that  day.  And  by  his  ufing  the 
Hebrew  idiom,  it  feems  that  he  had  thejewt/%  converts  principally 
in  his  eye. 

||  The  higher  powers  :  more  literally,  the  over-ruling  powers  :  which 
term  extends  to  all  civil  rulers  in  common. 

§  By  power,  the  apoftle  intends  not  lawlefs/rarg-/£  and  brutal  force, 
without  regulation  or  proper  direction  ;  but  juft  authority  ;  for  fo 
the  word  here  ufed  properly  fignifies.  There  may  be  power 
where  there  is  no  authority.  No  man  has  any  authority  to  do 
what  is  wrong  and  injurious,  though  he  may  have/<?w*r  to  do  it. 

God: 


Non-ReJiftance  to  the  Higher  Powers.    5 

God  :  the  powers  that  le  *  are  ordained  of  God  -f-  ver.  i . 
q.  d.  "  Whereas  fome  profefTed  chriftians  vainly  ima- 
"  gine,  that  they  are  wholly  excufed  from  all  manner 
"  of  duty  and  fubje&ion  to  civil  authority,  refufing  to 
"  honour  their  rulers,  and  to  pay  taxes ;  which  opini- 
"  on  is  not  only  unreafonablc  in  itfelf,  but  alfo  tends  to 
"  fix  a  lafting  reproach  upon  the  chriftian  name  and 
"  profefiion,  I  now,  as  an  apoftle  and  ambaffador  of 
"  Chrift,  exhort  every  one  of  you,  be  he  who  he  will, 
"  to  pay  all  dutiful  fubmifiion  to  thofe  who  are  vef- 
"  ted  with  any  civil  office.  For  there  is,  properly 
"  fpeaking,  no  authority  but  what  is  derived  from 
"  God,  as  it  is  only  by  his  permifiion  and  providence 
"  that  any  poffefs  it.  Yea,  I  may  add,  that  all  civil 
**  magiftrates,  as  fuch,  altho*  they  may  ^  heathens ^  are 
**  appointed  and  ordained  of  God.  For  it  is  certainly 
"  God's  will,  that  fo  ufeful  an  inftitution  as  that  of 
"  magiftracy,  fhould  take  place  in  the  world,  for  the 
"  good  of  civil  fociety."  The  apoftle  proceeds — Who- 
foever,  therefore,  rejifteth  the  power ,  rejifteth  the  ordinance 

*  The  powers  that  le  :  thofe  perfons  who  are  in  faft  vefted  with 
authority  ;  thofe  who  are  in  pofleflion.  And  who  thofe  are,  the 
apoftle  leaves  chriflians  to  determine  for  themfelves  ;  but  who 
ever  they  are,  they  are  to  be  obeyed. 

f  Ordained  of  God :  as  it  is  not  without  God's  providence  and  per- 
miffion,  that  any  are  clothed  with  authority  ;  and  as  it  is  agree 
able  to  the  pofitive  will  and  purpofe  of  God,  that  there  mould 
be  fame  perfons  vefted  with  authority  for  the  good  of  fociety  :  not 
that  any  rulers  have  their  commiffion  immediately  from  God 
the  fupreme  Lord  of  the  univerfe.  Jf  any  affert  that  kings,  or 
any  other  rulers,  are  ordained  of  God  in  the  latter  fenfe,  it  is  in 
cumbent  upon  them  to  mow  the  commiffion  which  they  fpeak 
of,  under  the  broad  feal  of  heaven.  And  when  tkey  do  this, 
they  will,  no  doubt,  he  believed. 

of 


6  Of  unlimited  Sulmiffion^  and 

of  God  ;  and  they  that  refift  /hall  receive  to  themfehes 
damnation,  ver.  2.  q.  d.  "  Think  not,  therefore,  that 
"  ye  are  guiltlefs  of  any  crime  or  fin  againft  God, 
"  when  ye  faftioufly  difobey  and  refift  the  civil  au- 
"  thority.  For  magtftracy  and  government  being,  as  £ 
"  have  faid,  the  ordinance  and  appointment  of  God, 
"  it  follows,  that  to  refift  magiftrates  in  the  execution  of 
<c  of  their  offices,  is  really  to  refift  the  will  and  ordi- 
"  nance  of  God  himfclf  :  And  they  who  thus  refift> 
"  will  accordingly  be  punifhed  by  God  for  this  fin  in 
"  common  with  others.5*  The  apoftle  goes  on — For 
rulers  are  not  a  terror  to  good  works,  but  to  the  evil,  -j- 
Wilt  thou  then^  not  be  afraid  of  the  power  ?  Do  that 
which  is  goody  and  thou  /halt  have  praife  of  the 
fame.  For  he  is  the  minifter  of  God  to  thee  for  goody 
ver.  3d,  and  part  of  the  4th.  q.  d.  "  That  you  may 
"  fee  the  truth  and  juftnefs  of  what  I  aflert,  (viz.  that 
"  magiftracy  is  the  ordinance  of  God,  and  that  you 
"  fin  againft  him  in  oppofing  itj  confider  that  even 
"  pagan  rulers,  are  not,  by  the  nature  and  defign  of 
"  their  office,  enemies  and  a  terror  to  the  good  and 
"  virtuous  actions  of  men,  but  only  to  the  injurious 
"  and  mifchievous  to  fociety.  Will  ye  not,  then,  re- 
"  verence  and  honor  magiftracy,  when  ye  fee  the  good 

-J-  For  rulers  are  not  a  terror  to  good  works,  but  to  the  evil.  It  can 
not  be  fuppofed  that  the  apoftle  defigns  here,  or  in  any  of  the 
fucceeding  verfes,  to  give  the  true  chara&er  of  Nero,  or  any 
other  civil  powers  then  in  being,  as  if  they  were  in  fad  fuch 
perfons  as  he  defcribes,  a  terror  to  evil  works  only,  and  not 
to  the  good,  For  fuch  a  character  did  not  belong  to  them  ; 
and  the  apoftle  was  nc^ifycophant,  or  parafite  of  power,  what 
ever  fome  of  his  pretended  fucceflbrs  have  been.  He  only  tells 
what  rulers  would  be,  proyiied  they  ailed  up  to  their  character 
and  office. 

"  end 


Non-Refiftance  to  the  Higher  Powers.     7 

"  end  and  intention  of  it  ?  How  can  ye  be  founreafona- 
"  ble  ?  Only  mind  to  do  your  duty  as  members  of 
"  fociety  ;  and  this  will  gain  yon  the  applaufe  and 
"  favour  of  all  good  rulers.  For  while  you  do  thus, 
they  are,  by  their  office,  as  minifters  of  God,  obli 
ged  to  encourage  arid  protect  you  ;  it  is  for  this 
very  purpofe  that  they  are  clothed  with  power." 
The  apoftle  fubjoins — But  if  thou  do  tbat  which  is  evil, 
be  afraid,  for  he  beareth  not  the  fword  in  vain.  For 
he  is  the  minifter  of  God^  a  revenger ',  to  execute  Watb 
upon  him  that  doth  evil*  ver.  4.  latter  part.  q.  d.  "  But 
"  upon  the  other  hand,  if  ye  refufe  to  do  your  duty 
"  as  members  of  fociety  ;  if  ye  refufe  to  bear  your 
"  part  in  the  fupport  of  government  ;  if  ye  are  dif- 
"  orderly,  and  do  things  which  merit  civil  chaftifement., 
.*'  then,  indeed,  ye  have  reafon  to  be  afraid.  For  it  is 

,  *  It  is  manifeft  that  when  the  apoftle  fpeaks  of  it,  as  the' office  of 
civil  rulers,  to  encourage  what  is  good,  and  to  punifh  what  is  evil, 
he  fpeaks  only  of  civil  good  and  evil.  They  are  to  confalt  the 
good  of  fociety  as  fucb  ;  not  to  dictate  in  religious  concerns ;  not 
to  make  laws  for  the  government  of  men's  confciences  ;  and  to 
inflict  civil  penalties  for  religious  crimes,  it  is  Efficient  to  over 
throw  the  doctrine  of  the  authority  of  the  civil  magiftrate,  in  af 
fairs  of  a  fpiritual  nature,  (fo  far  as  it  is  built  upon  any  thing 
which  is  here  faid  by  St.  Paul,  or  upon  any  thing  elfe  in  the 
new-teftament  )  only  to  obferve,  that  all  the  magiftrates  then  in 
the  world  were  heathen,  implacable  enemies  to  chriftianity  :  fo 
that  to  give  them  authority  in  religious  matters,  would  have 
been,  in  effect,  to  give  them  authority  to  extirpate  the  chriftian 
religion,  and  to  eftablifh  the  idolatries  and  fuperllitions  of  pagan- 
ifm.  And  can  any  one  reafonably  fuppofe,  that  the  apoille 
had  any  intention  to  extend  the  authority  of  rulers,  beyond  con 
cerns  merely  civil  and  political,  to  the  overthrowing  of  that  reli 
gion  which  he  himfelf  was  fo  zealous  in  propagating  !  But  it 
is  natural  for  thofe  whofe  religion  cannot  be  Supported  upon 
the  footing  of  reafon  and  argument,  to  have  recourfe  to  power 
and  fores',  which  will  ferve  a  bad  caufe  as  well  as  a  good  one; 
and  indeed  much  better. 

"  not 


8          Of  unlimited  Sulmlffion^   and 

"  not  in  vain  that  rulers  are  vefted  with  the  power  of 
"  inflicting  punifhment.  They  are,  by  their  office* 
"  not  only  the  minifters  of  God  for  good  to  thofe  that 
"  do  well  ;  but  alfo  his  minifters  to  revenge,  to  dif- 
"  countenance  and  punifh  thofe  that  are  unruly,  and  in- 
"  jurious  to  their  neighbours."  The  apoftle  proceeds 
— Wherefore  ye  muft  needs  be  fubjeft  not  only  for  wrath* 
but  alfo  for  conscience  fake,  ver.  5.  q.  d.  "  Since  there - 
"  fore,  magiftracy  is  the  ordinance  of  God  ;  and  fince 
"  rulers  are,  by  their  office,  benefactors  to  fociety,  by 
"  difcouraging  what  is  bad,  and  encouraging  what  is 
"  good,  and  fo  preferving  peace  and  order  amongft 
"  men  ;  it  is  evident  that  ye  ought  to  pay  a  willing 
"  fubje&ion  to  them  ;  not  to  obey  merely  for  fear  of 
u  expofing  yourfelves  to  their  wrath  and  difpleafure, 
"  but  alfo  in  point  of  reafon,  duty  and  confcience  : 
"  Ye  are  under  an  indifpenfable  obligation,  as  chriflians, 
"  to  honour  their  office,  and  to  fubmit  to  them  in 
"  the  execution  of  it.'*  The  apoftle  goes  on — For, 
for  this  caufe  pay  you,  tribute  alfo  :  for  they  are  God's 
minifters,  attending  continually  upon  this  very  thing,  ver.  6. 
q.  d.  "  And  here  is  a  plain  reafon  alfo  why  ye  fhould 
"  pay  tribute  to  them  ;  for  they  are  God's  minifters, 
"  exalted  above  the  common  level  of  mankind,  not 
u  that  they  may  indulge  themfelves  in  foftnefs  and 
"  luxury,  and  be  entitled  to  the  fervile  homage  of  their 
<c  fellow- men  ;  but  that  they  may  execute  an  office  no 
*'  lefs  laborious  than  honourable  ;  and  attend  continually 
^  upon  the  public  welfare.  This  being  their  bufmefs 

and 


,  Non-Refiftance  to  the  Higher  Powers.    9 

"  and  duty,  it  is  but  reafonable,  that  they  fliould  be  re- 
"  quited  for  their  care  and  diligence  in  performing  it ; 
"  and  enabled,  by  taxes  levied  upon  the  fubjecl,  effe&u- 
"  ally  to  profecute  the  great  end  of  their  inftitution, 
"  the  good  of  fociety."  The  apoftle  fums  all  up  in 
the  following  words  —  Render  therefore  to  all  their 
dues  :  tribute,  *  to  whom  tribute  is  due  ;  cuftom,  *  to 
whom  cuftom  ;  fear,  to  whom  fear  -,  honour,  to  whom 
honour,  ver.  7.  q.  d.  "  Let  it  not,  therefore,  be  faid 
"  of  any  of  you  hereafter,  that  you  contemn  govern- 
"  ment,  to  the  reproach  of  yourfelves,  and  of  the 
"  chriflian  religion.  Neither  your  being  jews  by  na- 
<c  tion,  nor  your  becoming  the  fubje&s  of  Chrift's  king- 
"  dom,  gives  you  any  difpenfation  for  making  diftur- 
"  bances  in  the  government  under  which  you  live. 
"  Approve  yourfelves,  therefore,  as  peaceable  and  du- 
"  tiful  fubje&s.  Be  ready  to  pay  to  your  rulers  all 
<c  that  they  may,  in  refpect  of  their  office,  juftly  de- 
"  mand  of  you.  Render  tribute  and  cuftom  to  thofe 
"  of  your  governors  to  whom  tribute  and  cuftom  be- 
"  long  :  And  chearfully  honor  and  reverence  all  who 
"  are  vefted  with  civil  authority,  according  to  their 
«  deferts." 

THE   apoftle's  doctrine,  in  the  paflage  thQs  explained, 
concerning   the  office   of  civil  rulers,  and  the   duty  of 

**  Grotius  obferves  that  the  greek  words  here  ufed,  anfwer  to  the 
tributum  and  <ve£iigal  of  the  Romans  ;  the  former  was  the  money 
paid  for  the  foil  and  poll  ;  the  latter,  the  duties  laid  upon  fome 
forts  of  merchandize.  And  what  the  apoftle  here  fays,  deferves 
to  be  ferioufly  confidered  by  all  chriftians  concerned  in  that  com 
mon  practice  of  carrying  on  an  illicit  trade,  and  running  of -goods. 

C  fubjeds, 


io         Of  unlimited   Submlffion^  and 

fubjefts,   may  be  fummed  up  in  the    following  obfer- 
vations  ;  *    viz. 

THAT  the  end  of  magiftracy  is  the  good  of  civil 
fociety,  as  fucb  : 

THAT  civil  rulers,  as  fucb>  are  the  ordinance  and  mi- 
nifters  of  God  ;  it  being  by  his  permiflion  and  provi 
dence  that  any  bear  rule  ;  and  agreeable  to  his  will, 
that  there  fhould  be  fome  perfons  vefted  with  authority 
in  fociety,  for  the  well-being  of  it  : 

THAT  which  is  here  faid  concerning  civil  rulers,  ex 
tends  to  all  of  them  in  common  :  it  relates  indifferently 
to  monarchical,  republican  and  ariftocratical  government  •, 
and  to  all  other  forms  which  truly  anfwer  the  fole  end  of 
government,  the  happinefs  of  fociety  ;  and  to  all  the 
different  degrees  of  authority  in  any  particular  (late  •, 
to  inferior  officers  no  lefs  than  to  the  fupreme  : 

THAT  difobedience  to  civil  rulers  in  the  due  exer- 
cife  of  their  authority,  is  not  merely  a  political  fin^  but 
an  heinous  offence  again/I , God  and  religion  : 

'•  THAT  the  true  ground  and   reafon  "f  of  our  obliga 
tion  to  be  fubjeft  to  the  higher  powers,  is  the  ufefulnefs 

of 

*'The  feveral  obfervations  here  only  mentioned,  were  handled  at 
large  in  two  proceeding  difcourfes  upon  this  fubjeft. 

-Jv  Some  fuppofe  the  apoftle  in  this  paffage  inforces  the  duty  of 
lubmiflion,  with  two  arguments  quite  diftinft  from  each  other  ; 
one  taken  from  this  confideration,  that  rulers  are  the  ordinance, 
and  the  minifters  of  God,  (ver.  i.  2.  and  4.)  and  the  other, 
from  the  benefits  that  accrue  to  fociety,  from  civil  government, 
(ver.  3,  4,  and  6.)  And  indeed  thefe  may  be  diftincl  motives 
and  arguments  for  fubmiflion,  as  they  may  be  feparately  viewed 

and 


Non-ReJiftance  to  the  Higher  Powers.   1 1 

ofmagiftracy  (when  properly  exercifed)  to  human  fociety, 
and  its  fubferviency  to  the  general  welfare  : 

THAT  obedience  to  civil  rulers  is  here  equally  requi 
red  under  all  forms  of  government,  which  anfwer  the 
fole  end  of  all  government,  the  good  of  fociety  •,  and 
to  every  degree  of  authority  in  any  ftate,  whether 
fupreme  or  fubordinate  : 

(From  whence  it  follows, 

THAT  if  unlimited  obedience  and  non-refiftance,  be 
here  required  as  a  duty  under  any  one  form  of  govern 
ment,  it  is  alfo  required  as  a  duty  under  all  other  forms  ; 
and  as  a  duty  to  fubordinate  rulers  as  well  as  to  the 
fupreme.) 

AND  laftly,  that  thofe  civil  rulers  to  whom  the 
apoftle  injoins  fubjedtion,  are  the  perfons  in  po/effion; 

and  contemplated.  But  when  we  confider  that  rulers  are  not 
the  ordinance  and  the  miniiters  of  God,  but  only  fo  far  forth  as 
they  perform  God's  will,  by  acting  up  to  their  office  and  cha- 
rafter,  and  fo  by  being  benefactors  to  fociety,  this  makes  thefe 
arguments  coincide,  and  run  up  into  one  at  lad  :  At  leaft  fo 
far,  that  the  former  of  them  cannot  hold  good  for  fub- 
miffion,  where  the  latter  fails.  Put  the  fuppofition,  that  any  man 
bearing  the  title  of  a  magistrate,  fliould  exercife  his  power  in 
fuch  a  manner  as  to  have  no  claim  to  obedience  by  virtue  of 
that  argument  which  is  founded  upon  the  ufefulnefs  of  magi-  / 
ftracy  ;  and  you  equally  take  off  the  force  of  the  other  argu 
ment  alfo,  which  is  founded  upon  his  being  the  ordinance  and 
the  minifter  of  God.  For  he  is  no  longer  God's  ordinance  and 
minifter,  than  he  acts  up  to  his  office  and  character,  by  exer- 
cifing  his  power  for  the  good  of  fociety — This  is,  in  brief, 
the  reafon  why  it  is  faid  above,  in  the  Jtngular  number,  that 
the  true  ground  and  reafon,  &c.  The  ufe  and  propriety  of  this 
remark  may  poffibly  be  more  apparent  in  the  progrefs  of  the 
argument  concerning  refinance. 


j  2          Of  unlimited  Sulmlffion^  and 

the  powers  that  be  •>  thofe  who  are  actually  vefted   with 
authority.  *f 


THERE   is  one  very  important  and  interefling  point 
which  remains  to  be  inquired  into  •,  namely,  the  extent of 
that  fubjection  to  the  higher  powers,  which  is  here  enjpined 
as  a  duty  upon  all  chriftians.     Some  have  thpught  it 
warrantable  and  glorious,  to  difobey  the  civil  powers  in 
certain  circumftances  ;  and,  in  cafes  of  very  great  and 
general  oppreflion,  when  humble  remonftrances  fail  of 
having  any  effedl   ;    and  when. the  publick  welfare  can. 
not  be  otherwife  provided  for  and   fecyred,  to  rife  una- 
nimoufly   even  againft  thq  fovereign  himfelf,  ia  order  to 
redrefs  their  grievances  5  to  vindicate  their  natural  and 
legal  rights  :    to  break  the   yoke  of  tyranny,   and   free 
themfelves   and  pofterity  from  inglorious   fervitude  and 
ruin.     It  is  upon  this  principle  that  many  royal  oppref- 
fprs  hav£  been  driven  from   their  thrones  into   baniflv 
ment  ;    and  many   (lain  by  the   hands  of  their  fubjecls. 

•f  This  muft  be  underftood  with  this  pro<vifot  that  they  do  not 
grofly  abuje  their  power-  and  truft,  but  exercfe  it  for  the  good 
of  thofe  that  are  governed.  Who  thefe  perfons  were,  whe 
ther  Nero,  &c.  or  not,  the  apoftle  does  not  fay  ;  but  leaves  it 
to:be  determined  by  thofe  to  whom  he  writes.  God  does  not 
interpofe,  in  a  miraculous  way,  to  point  out  the  perfons  who 
{hall  bear  rule,  and  to  whom  fubjeftion  is  due.  And  as  to  the 
unalienable,  indefeafible  right  of  primogeniture,  the  fcriptures 
are  intirely  ftlent  :  or  rather  plainly  contradid  it  :  &w/ being  the 
firft  king  among  the  Ijraelites  ;  and  appointed  to  the  royal  dig 
nity,  during  his  own  father's  life- time  :  and  he  was  fucceeded, 
or  rather  fuperfeded,  by  David,  the  laft  lorn  among  many  bre 
thren — Now  .if  God  has  cot  invariably  determined  this  matter, 
it  muft,  of  courfe,  be  determined  by  men.  And  if  it  be  deter 
mined  by  men,  it  muft  be  determined  either  in  the  way  of 
force,  or  of  compatf.  And  which  of  thefe  is  the  moft  equitable? 
can  be  no  queftipn, 

it 


Non-Re fiftance  to  the  Higher  Powers.  1 3 

It  was  upon  this  principle  that  ^arquin  was  expelled  from 
Rome  \  and  Julius  Cefar,   the  conqueror  of  the  world, 
and  the  tyrant  of  his  country,  cut  off  in  the  fenate  houfe. 
It  was  upon  this  principle,  that  king  Charles'  I,   was  be 
headed  before  his  own  banqueting  houfe.     It  was  upon 
this  principle,  that  king  James  II.  was  made  to  fly  that 
country  which  he  aim'd  at  enflaving  :    And  upon   this 
principle  was  that  revolution  brought  about,  which   has 
been  fo  fruitful  of  happy  confequences  to  Great-Britain. 
But,  in  oppofition  to  this  principle,  it  has  often  been  af- 
ferted,  that  the  fcripture  in  general  (and  the  pafiage  un 
der  confideration   in   particular)   makes  all  refiftance  to 
princes  a  crime,  in  any  cafe  whatever — If  they  turn  ty 
rants,    and  become   the    common  oppreflbrs  of  thofe, 
whofe  welfare  they  ought  to  regard  with  a  paternal  af 
fection,  we  muft   not  pretend  to  right  ourfelves,  unlefs  it 
be  by  prayers  and  tears  and  humble  intreaties  :    And  if 
thefe  methods  fail   of  procuring  redrcfs,  we   muft  not 
have  recourfe  to  any  other,  but  all  fuffer  ourfelves  to  be 
robbed   and    butchered  at   the  pleafure   of  the   Lord's 
anointed  •,  left  we  mould  incur  the  fin  of  rebellion,  and 
the  punimment  of  damnation.     For  he   has   God's  au 
thority  and   commimon  to  bear  him  out  in  the   worft 
of  crimes,  fo    far    that  he  may   not   be   withftood   or 
controuled.     Now  whether  we  are  obliged  to  yield  fuch 
an  abfolute  fubmimon  to  our  prince  ;  or  whether  difo- 
bedience  and  refiftance  may   not  be  juftifiable  in  fome 
cafes,  notwithftanding  any  thing  in   the   paflage  before 
us,  is  an  inquiry  hv  which  we  are  all  concerned  ;  and  this 
is  the  inquiry  which  is  the  main  defign  of  the  prefenfc 

difepurfc. 

Now 


14          Of  unlimited  Submijffion>  and 

Now  there  does  not  feem  to  be  any  necefiity  of  fup- 
pofing,  that  an  abfolute,  unlimited  obedience,  whether 
adtive  or  paffive,  is  here  injoined,  merely  for  this  reafon, 
that  the  precept  is  delivered  in  abfolute  terms,  without 
any  exception  or  limitation  expreQy  mentioned.  We  are 
enjoined,  (ver.  i.)  to  be  fubjeft  to  the  higher  powers: 
and  (ver.  5.)  to  be  fubjeft  for  conscience  fake.  And 
becaufe  thefe  expreffions  are  abfolute  and  unlimited,  (or 
more  properly,  general)  fome  have  inferred,  that  the 
fubjedtion  required  in  them,  muft  be  abfolute  and  unli 
mited  alfb  :  At  lead  fo  far  forth  as  to  make  paffive 
obedience  and  non -refiftance,  a  duty  in  all  cafes  what 
ever,  if  not  adlive  obedience  likewife.  Though,  by  the 
way,  there  is  here  no  diftinftion  made  betwixt  adive 
and  paflive  obedience  ;  and  if  either  of  them  be  requi 
red  in  an  unlimited  fenfe,  the  other  muft  be  required  in 
the  fame  fenfe  alfo,  by  virtue  of  the  prefent  argument ; 
becaufe  the  exprefiions  are  equally  abfolute  with  refpecl: 
to  both.  But  that  unlimited  obedience  of  any  fort, 
cannot  be  argued  merely  from  the  indefinite  expreflions 
in  which  obedience  is  enjoined,  appears  from  hence,  that 
expreffions  of  the  fame  nature,  frequently  occur  in  fcrip- 
ture,  upon  which  it  is  confefled  on  all  hands,  that  no 
fuch  abfolute  and  unlimited  fenfe  ought  to  be  put.  For 
example,  Love  not  the  world  ;  neither  the  things  that  are 
in  the  world  ;  f  Lay  not  up  for  yourfelves  treafures  upon 
earth  -,  *  I'ake  therefore  no  thought  for  the  morrow  •,  ||  are 
precepts  expreffed  in  at  lead  equally  abfolute  and  unli 
mited  terms :  but  it  is  generally  allowed  that  they  are 
to  be  underftood  with  certain  reftrictions  and  limicati- 

f  i  John  ii.  15.        *  Matt.  vi.   19.         |j    Matt.  vi.  34. 

ons  ; 


Non-ReJiftance  to  the  Higher  Powers.   1 5 

ons  •,  fome  degree  of  love  to  the  world,  and  the  things 
of  it,  being  allowable.     Nor,  indeed,  do  the  Right  Re- 
verend  Fathers  in  God,  and  other  dignified  clergymen  of 
the  eftablifhed  church,  feem  to  be  altogether  averfe  to 
admitting  of  reftricYions  in   the  latter  cafe,  how  warm 
foever    any  of  them  may  be  againft  reftricYions,    and 
limitations,  in  the  cafe  of  fubmiffion  to  authority,  whe 
ther  civil  or  ecclefiaftical.     It  is  worth   remarking  alfo, 
that  patience  and  fubmiffion  under  private   injuries,  are 
injoined  in   much  more   peremptory  and  abfolute  terms, 
than  any  that  are  ufed  with  regard  to  fubmiffion  to  the 
injuftice  and  oppreffion  of  civil  rulers.     Thus,  1  fay  unto 
you,  that  ye  refift  not  evil;  but  whofoever  jhall  fmite  thee 
en  the  right  cheek,  turn  to  him  the  other  alfo.     And  if  any 
man  will  fue  thee  at  the  law,  and  take  away  thy  coat,  let 
him  have  thy  cloke  alfo.     And  whofoever  Jhall  compel  thee 
io  go   a  mile  with  him,  go  with  him  twain,  f    Any  man 
may  be  defied  to  produce    fuch  ilrong  expreffions  in 
favor  of  a  paffive  and  tame  fubmiffion  to  unjuft,  tyran 
nical  rulers,  as   are  here  ufed  to  inforcc  fubmiffion   to 
private  injuries.     But  how  few  are  there  that  underftand 
thofe  expreffions  literally   ?    And  the  reafon  why  they 
do  not,    is  becaufe  (  with   fubmiffion   to  the  quakers  ) 
common  fenfe  mows  that  they  were  not  intended  to 
be  fo  underftood. 

BUT  to  inftance  in  fome  fcripture- precepts,  which  are 
more  directly  to  the  point  in  hand.  —  Children  are 
commanded  to  obey  their  parents,  and  fervants,  their 
matters,  in  as  abfolute  and  unlimited  terms  asfubjects 

t  Mat.  v.  39,40,41. 

are 


1 6        Of  unlimited  Submiffion^    and 

are  here  commanded  to  obey  their  civil  rulers.  Thus 
this  fame  apoftle  —  Children  obey  your  parents  in  the  Lord*, 
for  this  is  right.  Honour  thy  father  and  mother,  —  which 
is  thefirft  commandment  withpromife.  —  Servants,  be  obe 
dient  to  them  that  are  your  nuaflers  according  to  the  flefh, 
with  fear  and  trembling,  with  Jinglenefs  of  your  heart  as 
unto  Chrlft.  *  Thus  alfo  wives  are  commanded  to  be 
obedient  to  their  hnfbands  —  Wives,  fubmit  your  f elves 
unto  your  own  hujbands,  as  unto  the  Lord.  For  the  hufband 
is  head  of  the  wife,  even  as  CHRIST  IS  THE 
HEAD  OF  THE  CHURCH  —Therefore,  as  the 
church  is  fubjefl  unto  Chrift,  fo  let  the  wives  be  to 
their  own  hujbands  IN  EVERY  THING,  f  In  all 
thefe  cafes,  fubmiffion  is  required  in  terms  (  at  lead  ) 
as  abfolute  and  univerfal,  as  are  ever  ufed  with  refpeft 
to  rulers  and  fubjecls.  But  who  fuppofes  that  the  apo- 
ftle  ever  intended  to  teach,  that  children,  fcrvants  and 
wives,  mould,  in  all  cafes  whatever,  obey  their  pa 
rents,  matters  and  hufbands  refpeftively,  never  making 
any  oppofition  to  their  will,  even  although  they  mould 
require  them  to  break  the  commandments  of  God, 
or  mould  caufelefly  make  an  attempt  upon  their  lives  ? 
No  one  puts  ftich  a  fenfe  upon  thefe  exprefllons,  how 
ever  abfolute  and  unlimited.  Why  then  fhould  it  be 
fuppofed,  that  the  apoflle  defigned  to  teach  univerfai 
obedience,  whether  active  or  palTive,  to  the  higher  pow 
ers,  merely  becaufe  his  precepts  are  delivered  in  abfolute 
and  unlimited  terms  ?  And  if  this  be  a  good  argument 
in  one  cafe,  why  is  it  not  in  others  alfo  ?  If  it  be  faid 

*  Eph.  vi.   i,  &c,       f  Eph.  v.  22,  23,  24. 

that 


Non-Refeftance  to  the  Higher  Powers.  1 7 

that  refiftance  and  difobedience  to  the  higher  powers^  is 
here  faid  pofitively  to  be  a  fin,  fo  alfo  is  the  difobedience 
of  children  to  parents  •,  fervants,  to  mafters  ;  and  wives, 
to  hufbands,  in  other  places  of  fcripture.  But  the  quef- 
tion  flill  remains,  whether  in  all  thefe  cafes  there  be 
not  fome  exceptions  ?  In  the  three  latter,  it  is  allowed 
there  are.  And  from  hence  it  follows,  that  barely  the 
ufe  of  abfolute  exprefiions,  is  no  proof,  that  obedience 
to  civil  rulers,  is,  in  all  cafes,  a  duty  ;  or  refiftance,  in 
all  cafes  a  fin.  I  fhould  not  have  thought  it  worth 
while  to  take  any  notice  at  all  of  this  argument, 
had  it  not  been  much  infifted  upon  by  fome  of  the 
advocates  for  pafiive  obedience  and  non- refiftance:  For 
it  is,  in  itfelf,  perfectly  trifling  -,  and  render'd  confidera- 
ble,  only  by  the  ftrefs  that  has  been  laid  upon  it  for 
want  of  better. 

THERE  is,  indeed,  one  paffage  in  the  new-teftament, 
where  it  may  feem,  at  firft  view,  that  an  unlimited 
fubmiffion  to  civil  rulers,  is  injoined.—  Submit  your 
fehes  to  every  ordinance  of  man  for  the  Lord's  fake.^— 
To  every  ordinance  of  man. — However,  this  expreffion  is 
no  ftronger  than  that  before  taken  notice  of,  with  relation 
to  the  duty  of  wives  —  So  let  the  wives  be  fubjeft  to 
their  own  hujbands—  IN  EVERY  THING.  But  the 
true  folution  of  this  difficulty  (  if  it  be  one)  is  this :  by 
every  ordinance  of  man,  *  is  not  meant  every  command 
of  the  civil  magiftrate  without  exception  ;  but  every 

t  i  Pet.   2.  13. 

*  Literally,  every  human  injlitution,  or  appointment.  By  which 
manner  of  expreffion  the  apoflle  plainly  intimates,  that  rulers  de 
rive  their  authority  immediately,  not  from  Godt  but  from  men. 

D  order 


v  •  '"*'  "*   ** 

1 8         Of  unlimited  Submi/wn,  and 

order  of  magistrates  appointed  by  man  j  —  whether  fuperior 
or  inferior  :  For  fo  the  apoftle  explains  himfelf  in  the 
Tery  next  words  —  Whether  it  le  to  the  king  as  fupreme, 
or  to  governors,  as  unto  them  that  are  fent,  &c.  But 
although  the  apoftle  had  not  fubjoined  any  fuch  expla 
nation,  the  reafon  of  the  thing  itfelf  would  have  obli 
ged  us  to  limit  the  expreflion  [every  ordinance  of  man  ] 
to  fuch  human  ordinances  and  commands,  as  are  not  in- 
confiflent  with  the  ordinances  and  commands  of  God3 
the  fupreme  lawgiver  -y  or  with  any  other  higher,  and 
antecedent,  obligations, 

IT  is  to  be  obferved,  in  the  next  place,  that  as  the 
duty  of  univerfal  obedience  and  non-refiftance  to  the 
higher  powers,  cannot  be  argued  from  the  abfolute  unli 
mited  exprefllons  which  the  apoftle  here  ufes  ;  fo  neither 
can  it  be  argued  from  the  fcope  and  drift  of  his  rea- 
fonjng,  confidered  with  relation  to  the  perfons  he  wa& 
here  oppofing.  As  was  obferved  above,  there  were 
fome  profeffed  chriftians  in  the  apoftolic  age,  who  dif- 
claimed  ail  magiftracy  and  civil  authority  in  general, 
defpijing  government,  and  f peaking  evil  of  dignities-,  fome 
under  a  notion  tl^at  jews  ought  not  to  be  under  the 
•jurifdicYion  of  gentile  rulers  \  and  others,  that  they  were 
let  free  from  the  temporal  powers,  by.  Ch rift.  Now  it 
is  with  perfons  of  this  licentious  opinion  and  character, 
that  the  apoftle  is  concerned.  And  all  that  was  directly 
-jto  his  point,  was  to  fhow,  that  they  were  bound  to  fub- 
rrjit  to  magiftracy  in.  general.  This  is  -a  circumftance 
very  material  to  be  taken  notice  of,  in  order  to  afcertain 

the 


Non-ReJiftance  to  the  Higher  Powers.  1 9 

the  fenfe  of  the  apoftle.     For  this  being  confidered,  it 
is  fufHcient  to  account  for  all  that  he  fays  concerning  the 
duty  of  fubjecYion,   and  the  fin   of    refinance,  to   the 
bigber  powers,  without  having  recourfe  to  the  doctrine 
of  unlimited  fubmiflion    and   pafiive  obedience,   in  all 
cafes  whatever.     Were  it  known  that   thofe  in  oppofi- 
tion  to  whom,   the  apoftle  wrote,   allowed  of  civil  au 
thority  in   general,  and   only  aflerted  that  there   were 
fome  cafes  in   which  obedience  and   non-refiftance,  were 
not  a  duty  ;  there  would,  then,  indeed,  be  reafon   for 
interpreting  this  paflage  as  containing  the  dodlrine  of 
unlimited  obedience,  and  non-refiflance,  as  it  muft,  in 
this  cafe,  be  fuppofed  to  have  been  levelled  againft   fuch 
as  denied  that  do&rine.     But  fince  it  is  certain  that  there 
were  perfons  who  vainly  imagined,  that  civil  government 
in  general,  was  not  to  be  regarded   by  them,  it  is  mod 
reafonable  to  fuppofe,  that  the  apoftle  defigned   his  dif- 
courfe  only  againft  them.     And  agreeably  to  this  fuppo- 
fition,  we  find  that  he  argues  the  ufefulnefs  of  civil  ma- 
giftracy  in  general  ;   its    agreeablenefs  to  the  will  and 
purpofe  of  God,  who  is  over  all ;  and  fo  deduces  from 
hence,   the  obligation  of  fubmiflion  to  it.     But  it  will 
not  follow,  that   becaufe  civil  government,  is,  in  general, 
a  good  inftitution,  and  neceflary   to  the  peace  and  happi- 
nefs  of  human  fociety,  therefore  there  are  no  fuppofeable 
cafes  in  which  refiftance  to  it   can  be  innocent.     So   that 
the  duty  of  unlimited   obedience,  whether  active  or  paf- 
five,    can  be  argued,  neither  from  the  manner  of  expref- 
fion  here  ufed,  nor  from  the  general  fcope  and  defign 
of  the  paflage. 

AND 


2O         Of  unlimited  Submijjlon^  and 

AND  if  we  attend  to  the  nature  of  the  argument 
with  which  the  apoftle  here  inforces  the  duty  of  fubmif- 
fion  to  the  higher  powers,  we  fhall  find  it  to  be  fuch  an 
one  as  concludes  not  in  favor  of  fubmifllon  to  all  who 
bear  the  title  of  rulers,  m  common  ;  but  only,  to  thofe 
who  aftually  perform  the  duty  of  rulers,  by  exercifing  a 
reafonable  and  juft  authority,  for  the  good  of  human 
fociety.  This  is  a  point  which  it  will  be  proper  to  en 
large  upon  •,  becaufe  the  queftion  before  us  turns  very 
much  upon  the  truth  or  falfhood  of  this  pofition.  It 
is  obvious,  then,  in  general,  that  the  civil  rulers  whom 
the  apoftle  here  fpeaks  of,  and  obedience  to  whom  he 
prefles  upon  chriftians  as  a  duty,  are  good  rulers^  f  fnch 
as  are,  in  the  exercife  of  their  office  and  power,  bene 
factors  to  fociety.  Such  they  are  defctibed  to  be,  thro'- 
out  this  pafTage.  Thus  it  is  faid,  that  they  are  not  a 
terror  to  good  works ,  but  to  the  evil  ;  that  they  are  God's 
minifters  for  good ;  revengers  to  execute  wrath  upon  him 
that  doth  evil ;  and  that  they  attend  continually  upon  this 
•very  thing.  St.  Peter  gives  the  fame  account  of  rulers  : 
They  are  for  a  praife  to  them  that  do  well,  and  the  pu- 
nijhment  of  evil  doers.  *  It  is  manifeft  that  this  cha 
racter  and  defcription  of  rulers,  agrees  only  to  fuch  as  are 
rulers  in  fact,  as  well  as  in  name  :  to  fuch  as  govern 
well,  and  act  agreeably  to  their  office.  And  the  apo- 
ftle's  argument  for  fubmiffion  to  rulers,  is  wholly  built 

•f  By  good  rulers,  are  not  intended  fuch  as  are  good  in  a  moral  or 
religious,  but  only  in  a  political,  fenfe  ;  thofe  who  perform  their 
duty  fo  far  as  their  office  extends  ;  and  io  far  as  civil  fociety,  as 
fuch,  is  concerned  in  their  actions. 

*  See  the  marginal  note,  page  6.  See  alfo  the  marginal  note,  p.  7. 

and 


Non-Refiftance  to  the  Higher  Powers.  2 1 

and  grounded  upon  a  preemption  that  they  do  in  fa& 
anfwer  this  character  ;  and  is  of  no  force  at  aH  upon 
fuppofition  of  the  contrary.  If  rulers  are  a  terror  to 
good  works,  and  not  to  the  evil  •,  if  they  are  not  minifters 
for  good  to  fociety,  but  for  evil  and  diftrefs,  by  violence 
and  oppreffion  ;  if  they  execute  wrath  upon  fober,  peace 
able  perfons,  who  do  their  duty  as  members  of  fociety  ; 
and  fuffer  rich  and  honourable  knaves  to  efcape  with 
impunity  ;  if,  inftead  of  attending  continually  upon  the 
good  work  of  advancing  the  publick  welfare,  they  attend 
only  upon  the  gratification  of  their  own  luffi  and  pride 
and  ambition,  to  the  deftmdlion  of  the  public  welfare  ; 
if  this  be  the  cafe,  it  is  plain  that  the  apoftle's  argument 
for  fubmiffion  does  not  reach  them  ;  they  are  not  the 
fame,  but  different  perfons  from  thofe  whom  he  cha 
racterizes  ;  and  who  mud  be  obeyed  according  to  his 
reafoning. — Let  me  illuilrate  the  apoftle*s  argument,  by 
the  following  fimilitude  :  (it  is  no  matter  how  far  it  is 
from  any  thing  which  has,  in  fact,  happened  in  the 
world.)  Suppofe,  then,  it  was  allowed,  in  general,  that 
the  clergy  were  an  ufeful  order  of  men  •,  that  they  ought 
to  be  etteemed  very  highly  in  love  for  their  works  fake  ;  -f* 
and  to  be  decently  fupported  by  thofe  whom  they 
ferve,  the  labourer  being  worthy  of  his  reward.  *  Sup 
pofe  farther,  that  a  number  of  Reverend  and  Right  Re 
verend  Drones,  who  worked  not  ;  who  preached,  perhaps, 
but  once  a  year,  and  then,  not  the  gojpel  of  Jefus  Chrift ; 
but  the  divine  right  of  tythes  ;  —  the  dignity  of  their 
office  as  ambaffadors  of  Chrift,  the  equity  of  fine-cures,  and 

\  i  Thcf.  v,  1.3.        *  i  Tim.  v.  18. 

a 


2  2         Of  unlimited  Submijfion^  and 

a  'plurality  of  benefices  -, — the  excellency  of  the  devotions 
in  that  prayer  book,  which  fome  of  them -hired  chap 
lains  to  ufe  for  them  ; — or  fome  favourite  point  of  church- 
tyranny,  and  antichriftian  ufurpation  ;  fuppofe  fuch  men 
as  thefe,  fpending  their  lives  in  effeminacy,  luxury  and 
idlenefs ;  (or  when  they  were  not  idle,  doing  that  which 
is  worfe  than  idlenefs  ;  fuppofe  fuch  men,)  mould,  merely 
by  the  merit  of  ordination  and  confecration,  and  a  pecu 
liar,  odd  habit,  claim  great  refpedt  and  reverence  from 
thofe  whom  they  civilly  called  the  beafts  of  the  laiety  ;  || 
and  demand  thoufands  per  annum,  for  that  good  fervice 
which  they  —  never  performed  ;  and  for  which,  if  they 
had  performed  it,  this  would  be  much  more  than  a  quan 
tum  meruit  :  fuppofe  this  mould  be  the  cafe,  ("it  is  only 
by  way  of  Jimile,  and  furely  it  will  give  no  offence,) 
would  not  every  body  be  aftonimed  at  fuch  infolence, 
injuftice  and  impiety  ?  And  ought  not  fuch  men  to 
be  told  plainly,  that  they  could  not  reafonably  expect 
the  efteem  and  reward,  due  to  the  minifters  of  the  gofpel, 
unlefs  they  did  the  duties  of  their  office  ?  Should  they 
not  be  told,  that  their  title  and  habit  claimed  no  regard, 
reverence  or  pay,  feparate  from  the  care  and  work  and 
various  duties  of  their  function  ?  And  that  while  they 
neglected  the  latter,  the  former  ferved  only  to  render 
them  the  more  ridiculous  and  contemptible  ? — The  appli 
cation  of  this  Jimilitude  to  the  cafe  in  hand,  is  very  eafy. 
— If  thofe  who  bear  the  title  of  civil  rulers,  do  not 
perform  the  duty  of  civil  rulers,  but  act  directly  counter 
to  the  fole  end  and  defign  of  their  office  ;  if  they 

||  Mr.  Lf/Iie. 

injure 


Non-Refiftance  to  tie  Higher  Powers.  2  3 

injure  and  opprefs  their  fubjects,  inftead  of  defending 
their  rights  and  doing  them  good  ;  they  have  not  the 
leaft  pretence  to  be  honored,  obeyed  and  rewarded,  ac 
cording  to  the  apoftle's  argument.  For  his  reafoning,  in 
order  to  Ihow  the  duty  of  fubjection  to  the  higher 
powers,  is,  as  was  before  obferved,  built  -wholly  upon 
the  fuppofition,  that  they  do,  in  faff,  perform  the 
duty  of  rulers; 

IF  it  be  faid,  that  the  apoftlq  here  ufes  another  ^ar 
gument  for  fubmiffion  to  the  higher  powers,  befides  that 
which  is  taken  from  the  ufefulnefs  of  their  office  to  civil 
fociety,  when  properly  difcharged  and  executed  ;  namely* 
that  their  power  is  from  God  5  that  they  are  ordained  of 
God  ;   and  that  they  are  God's  minifters  :  And  if  it  be 
faid,  that  this  argument  for  fubmiffion  to  them  will  hold 
good,  although  they  do  not  exercife   their  power  for  the 
benefit,    but    for  the   ruin,  and  deftruction  of  human 
foeiety  ;  this  objection   was  obviated,  in  part,  before,  f 
Rulers  have    no  authority  from  God   to   do    mi.fchief. 
They  are   not  God's  ordinance,    or  God's   minifters,    in 
any  other  fenfe  than  as  it  is  by  his  permiffion  and  pro 
vidence,  that   they  are   exalted  to  bear  rule   ;    and  as 
magiftracy  duly  exercifed,  and  authority  rightly  applied, 
in  the  enacting  and  executing  good  laws, —  laws  attem 
pered  a^nd   accommodated  to  the  common  welfare  of  the 
fubjects,  muft  be  fuppofed  to  be  agreeable  to  •  the  will  of 
the  beneficent   author  and    fupreme    Lord  of  the  uni- 
verfe  ;    whofe  kingdom  rulelh  over  all  \  *    and  whofe 

t  See  the  margin,   page  10,  note  f.         *  PfuL  ciii.    19. 

tender 


24       Of  unlimited  Sulmlffion^  and 

Under  mercies  are  over  all  his  works,  f  It  is  blafphemy 
to  call  tyrants  and  opprefibrs,  God's  minifters.  They 
are  more  properly  the  meffengers  of  fatan  to  buffet  us.  * 
No  rulers  are  properly  God's  minifters,  but  fuch  as  are 
jusJ,  ruling  in  the  fear  of  God.  \\  When  once  magiftrates 
act  contrary  to  their  office,  and  the  end  of  their  infti- 
tution  ;  when  they  rob  and  ruin  the  public,  inftead  of 
being  guardians  of  its  peace  and  welfare  ;  they  imme 
diately  ceafe  to  be  the  ordinance  and  minifters  of  God  ; 
and  no  more  deferve  that  glorious  character  than  common 
pirates  and  highwaymen.  So  that  whenever  that  argu 
ment  for  fubmifiion,  fails,  which  is  grounded  upon  the 
ufefulnefs  of  magiftracy  to  civil  fociety,  (as  it  always 
does  when  magiftrates  do  hurt  to  fociety  inftead  of 
good)  the  other  argument,  which  is  taken  from  their 
being  the  ordinance  of  God,  muft  neceiTarily  fail  alfb  ; 
no  perfon  of  a  civil  character  being  God's  minisler,  in 
the  fenfe  of  the  apoftle,  any  farther  than  he  performs 
God's  will,  by  exercifmg  a  juft  and  reafonable  authority  5 
and  ruling  for  the  good  of  the  fubject. 

THIS  in  general.  Let  us  now  trace  the  apoftle's 
reafoning  in  favor  of  fubmifiion  to  the  higher  powers ,  a 
little  more  particularly  and  exactly.  For  by  this  it  will 
appear,  on  one  hand,  how  good  and  conclufive  it  is, 
for  fubmifiion  to  thofe  rulers  who  exercife  their  power 
in  a  proper  manner  :  And,  on  the  other,  how  weak  and 
trifling  and  inconnected  it  is,  if  it  be  fuppofed  to  be 
meant  by  the  apoftle  to  mow  the  obligation  and  duty  of 

f  Pfal.  cxlv.    19,     *   2   Cor.  xii.  7.     |j   2  Sam.  xxiii.  3. 

obedience 


Non-Refiftance  to  the  Higher  Powers.   25 

obedience  to  tyrannical,   opprefllve  rulers  in  common 
with  others  of  a  different  character. 

THE  apoftle  enters  upon  his  fubjeft  thus—  Let  every 
foul  be  fubjeft  unto  the  higher  powers  ;  for  there  is  no 
power  but  of  God  :  the  powers  that  be,  are  ordained 
of  God.  *  Here  he  urges  the  duty  of  obedience  from 
this  topic  of  argument,  that  civil  rulers,  as  they  are 
fuppofed  to  fulfil  the  pleafure  of  God,  are  the  ordi 
nance  of  God.  But  how  is  this  an  argument  for  obe 
dience  to  fuch  rulers  as  do  not  perform  the  pleafure 
of  God,  by  doing  good  •,  but  the  pleafure  of  the 
devil,  by  doing  evil  ;  and  fuch  as  are  not,  therefore, 
God's  r.iinifters,  but  the  devil's  !  Whofoever,  therefore, 
refifleth  the  power,  refifteth  the  ordinance  of  God  ;  and 
they  that  reftfl,  fhall  receive  to  themf  elves  damnation,  -f 
Here  the  apoftle  argues,  that  thofe  who  refift  a  rea- 
fonable  and  juft  authority,  which  is  agreeable  to  the 
will  of  God,  do  really  refift  the  will  of  God  himfelf- 
and  will,  therefore,  be  punifhed  by  him.  But  how  does 
this  prove,  that  thofe  who  refift  a  lawlefs,  unreafonable 
power,  which  is  contrary  to  the  will  of  God,  do 
therein  refift  the  will  and  ordinance  of  God  ?  Is  re. 
fifting  thofe  who  refift  God's  will,  the  fame  thing  with 
refilling  God  ?  -  Or  (hall  thofe  who  do  fo,  receive  to 
themselves  damnation  !  For  rulers  are  not  a  terror  to  good 
works,  but  to  the  evil.  Wilt  thou  then  not  be  afraid  of 
the  power  ?  Do  that  which  is  good  -,  and  thou  /halt  have 
praife  of  the  fame.  For  he  is  the  minifter  of  God  to 

thee  for  good.  4.     Here  the  apoftle  argues  more  explicitly 
*  Ver.    i.     f    Ver.    2.      4-  Ver.    3d.   and  part  of  the  4th. 

Us*7  ,  E  than 


26        Of  unlimited  Submi/ton)  and 

than  he  had  before  done,  for  revereing,  and  fubmitting 
to,  magiftracy,   from   this  confideration,    that    fuch  as 
really   performed    the   duty   of  magiftrates,   would    be 
enemies    only  to  the  evil  actions   of  men,  and  would 
befriend  and  encourage  the  good  •,   and  fo  be  a  common 
bleffing   to    fociety.      But  how  is    this    an    argument, 
that   we  muft  honor,  and   fubmit  to,   fuch  magiftrates 
as  are  not  enemies  to  the  evil  aclions  of  men  •,  but  to 
the  good  ;  and  fuch  as  are  not  a  common  bleffing,  but 
a  common   curfe,    to  fociety  !     But    if  tbou    do    that 
which  is  evil,  be  afraid  :    For  he  is  the  minifter  of  God Y 
a  revenger ',  to  execute  wrath  upon  him  that  doth  evil,  t 
Here   the    apoftle  argues  from  the  nature    and  end  of 
magiftracy,  that  fuch  as  did  evil,    (and  fuch  only)   had 
reafon  to  be  afraid  of  the  higher  powers  •,  it  being  part 
of  their  office  to  punifh  evil  doers,  no  lefs  than  to  de 
fend  and  encourage  fuch  as  do  well.     But  if  magiftrates 
are  unrighteous  -,  if  they  are  refpeflers  of  perfons   ;     if 
they  are  partial  in  their  adminiftration  of  juftice  ;  then 
thofe  who  do  well  have  as  much  reafon  to  be  afraid,  as 
thofe  that  do  evil  :  there  carvbe  no  fafety  for  the  good, 
hdr  any  peculiar  ground  of  terror  to  the  unruly  and  in- 
jufious.     So   that,   in    this  cafe,  the   main   end  of  civil 
government  will    be    fruftrated.     And    what   reafon  is 
there   for  fubmitting    to  that  government,   which   does 
by  no  means  anfwer  the  defign  of  government  ?  Where 
fore  ye  muft  needs  be  fitly  eft    not  only  for  wrath,   but  alfo 
for  conscience  fake.  *    Here  the  apoftle  argues  the  duty . 
of  a  chearful  and  confcientious  fubmiffion   to  civil  go-, 

f   Ver.   4th,   latter  part.         *   Ver.   5. 

vernment, 


Non-Refiftance  to  the  Higher  Powers.  27 

vernment,  from  the  nature  and  end  of  magiftracy  as  he 
had  before  laid  it  down,  i.  e.    as  the  defign  of  it  was 
to  punifh  evil  doers,  and  to  fupportand  encourage  fuch 
as  do  well  ;  and  as  it  muft,  if  fo  exercifed,  be  agreeable 
to  the  will  of  God.     But   how  does  what  he  here  fays> 
prove  the  duty  of  a  chearful  and  confcientious  fubje&ion 
to   thofe   who  forfeit  the  chara&er  of  rulers  ?  to  thofe 
who  encourage  the  bad,  and  difcourage  the  good  ?  The 
argument  here  ufed  no  more    proves  it  to  be  a  fin  to 
refift  fuch  rulers,  than  it  does,  to  refift  the  devil,  that  he 
mzy  flee  from  us*     For  one  is  as  truly  tht'minifttr  of  God 
as  the  other.     For,  for  this  caufe  pay  you  tribute  alfo  -, 
for  they    are  God's  minijlers,   attending  continually  upon 
this  very  thing,  f     Here  the  apoftle  argues  the  duty  of 
paying    taxes,  from  this  confideration,    that  thofe  who 
perform  the  duty  of  rulers,  are   continually    attending 
upon  the  public  welfare.     But  how  does  this  argument 
conclude  for  paying  taxes  to  fuch  princes  as  are  conti 
nually  endeavouring  to   ruin  the  public  ?  And  efpecially 
when  fuch  payment  would  facilitate  and   promote  t 
wicked  defign  !    Render  therefore  to  all  their  dues  ;   tri 
bute,  to  whom  tribute  is  due  ;  cuftom,  to  whom   cuftom   ; 
fear    to  whom  fear  -,  honor,  to  whom  honor.  \\     Here  the 
apoftle  fums   up   what  he   had  been   faying  concerning 
the  duty  of  fubjeas  to  rulers.     And  his  argument  ftanc 
thus  —  "  Since  magi  ft  rates  who  execute  their  office  well, 
«  are  common  benefadors   to   fociety  ;    and  may,   in 
«  that  refpea,  be  properly  ftiled  the  miniflers  and  ordi- 
«  nance  of  God  -,  and  fince  they  arc  conftantly  employed 


*  James   iv.   7-        't   Ver.    6.         ||   Ver.    7 


in 


2  8  ,       Of  unlimited  Submijffion,  and 

"  in  the  fervice  of  the  public  ;   it  becomes  you  to  pay 
"  them  tribute  and  cuftom  ;    and  to  reverence,  honor, 
"  and   fubmit  to,  them   in    the    execution  of  their  re- 
"  fpective  offices."  This  is  apparently  good  reafoning. 
But  does  this  argument  conclude  for  the  duty  of  paying 
tribute,  cuftom,  reverence,  honor  and  obedience,  to  fuch 
perfons  as  (although  the^  bear  the  title   of  rulers)  ufe 
all   their  power    to  hurt  and   injure  the   public?    fuch 
as  are  not  God's  minifters,  but  fattn's  ?    fuch  as  do  not 
take  care  of,  and  attend  upon,   the  public  intereft,  but 
their  own,    to    the   ruin    of   the  public   ?    that  is,  in 
fhort,  to  fuch  as  have  no  natural  and  juft  claim  at  all  to 
tribute,  cuftom,  reverence,  honor   and  obedience  ?     It 
is  to  be  hoped  that  thofe  who  have  any  regard  to  the 
apoftle's    character  as  an  infpired  writer,  or  even  as  a 
man  of  common  underftanding,  will  not  reprefent  him  as 
reafoning  in  fuch  a  loofe  incoherent  manner  ;  and  draw 
ing  conclufions   which  have  not  the  Jeaft  relation  to  his 
premifes.     For  what  can  be  more  abfurd  than  an  argu 
ment  thus  framed  ?•  "  Rulers  are,    by  their  office,  bound 
"  to  confult   the  public    welfare  and  the  good  of   fo- 
"  ciety  :  therefore  you  are  bound  to  pay  them  tribute, 
*e  to  honor,  and  to  fubmit   to    them,  even  when  they 
"  deftroy  the  public  welfare,  and  are  a  common  peft  to 
*•  fociety,  by  acting  in  direct  contradiction  to  the  nature 
"  and  end  of  their  office.51 

THUS,  upon  a  careful  review  of  the  apoftle9s  reafoning 

•;  ifi  this  pafiage,  it  appears  that  his  arguments  to  enforce 

fubmiffion,  are  of  fuch  a  nature,  as  to  conclude  only  in 

favour  of  fubmiffion  to  fuch  rulers  as  be  bimfelf  defer  ibes  •, 


Non-Re fiftance  to  the  Higher  Powers.   29 

i.  e.  fuch  as'  rule  for  the  good  of  fociety,  which  is  the 
only  end  of  their  inftitution.  Common  tyrants,  and 
public  oppreflbrs,  are  not  intitled  to  obedience  from 
their  fubjefts,  by  virtue  of  any  thing  here  laid  down 
by  theinfpired  apoftle^ 

h   o/  gmL-io'rjfi  3J5ifo  bnn  ;  fjfbi  pi  bris  <rnii< 
I  NOW  add,  farther,  that   the  apoftle's  argument  is 

fo  far  from  proving  it  to  be  the  duty  of  people  to 
obey,  and  fubmit  to,  fuch  rulers  as  aft  in  contradiction 
to  the  public  good,  f  and  fo  to  the  defign  of  their 
office,  that  it  proves  tie  'direft .  contrary.  For,  "pleafe 
to  obferve,  that  if  the  end  of  all  civil  government,  be 
the  good  of  fociety  •,  if  this  be  the  thing  that  is  aimed 
at  in  conftituting  civil  rulers  ;  and  if  the  motive  and 
argument  for  fubmiflion  to  government,  be  taken  from 
the  apparent  ufefulnefs  of  civil  authority  \  it  follows, 
that  when  no  fuch  good  end  can  be  anfwered  by  fub- 
miflion,  there  rernains  no  argument  or  motive  to  enforce 
it  •,  if  inftead  of  this  good  end's  being  brought  about 
by  fubmifilon,  a  contrary  end  is  brought  about,  and 
the  ruin  and  mifery  of  fociety  effected  by  it,  here  is  a 
plain  and  pofitive  reafon  againft  fubmiffion  in  all  fuch 
cafes,  fliould  they  ever  happen.  And  therefore,  in  fuch 
cafes,  a  regard  to  the  public  welfare,  ought  to  make 
us  with-hold  from  our  rulers,  that  obedience  and  fub- 
jedion  which  ic  would,  otherwife,  be  our  duty  to  render 
to  them.  If  it  be  our  duty,  for  example,  to  obey  our 
king,  merely  for  this,  reafon,  that  he  rules  fpr  the  pub* 

f  This  does  nofc  intend,-  their-a&ng  fo  in-.^  fenv  particular  inftances, 
which  the  bed  of  rulers  may  do  through  miftake,  &c.  but  their 
afting  fo  habitually  ;  and  in  a  manner  which  plainly  {hows,  that 
Sbey  aim  at  making  themfelves  great,  by  the  ruin  of  their  fubje&s. 

lie 


30          Of  unlimited  SulmlJJlon^  and 

lie  welfare,  (  which  is  the  only  argument  the  apoftle 
makes  ufe  of)  it  follows,  by  a  parity  of  reafon,  that 
when  he  turns  tyrant,  and  makes  his  fubjecls  his  prey 
to  devour  and  to  deftroy,  inftead  of  his  charge  to  defend 
and  cherifh,  we  are  bound  to  throw  off  our  allegiance 
to  him,  and  to  refift  -,  and  that  according  to  the  tenor 
of  the  apoftle's  argument  in  this  paflage.  Not  to  dif- 
continue  our  allegiance,  in  this  cafe,  would  be  to 
join  with  the  fovereign  in  promoting  the  flavery  and  mi- 
fery  of  that  fociety,  the  welfare  of  which,  we  ourfelves, 
as  well  as  our  fovereign,  are  indifpenfably  obliged  to  fe- 
cure  and  promote,  as  far  as  in  us  lies.  It  is  true  the 
apoftle  puts  no  cafe  of  fuch  a  tyrannical  prince  ;  but  by 
his  grounding  his  argument  for  fubmifiion  wholly  upon 
the  good  of  civil  fociety  ;  it  is  plain  he  implicitly  autho- 
rifes,  and  even  requires  us  to  make  refiftance,  whenever 
this  mall  be  neceffary  to  the  public  fafety  and  happinefs. 
Let  me  make  ufe  of  this  eafy  and  familiar  fimilitude  to 
illuftrate  the  point  in  hand  —  Suppofe  God  requires  a 
family  of  children,  to  obey  their  father  and  not  to  refift 
him  ;  and  inforces  his  command  with  this  argument  ; 
that  the  fuperintendence  and  care  and  authority  ofajuft 
and  kind  parent,  will  contribute  to  the  happinefs  of  the 
whole  family  -,  fo  that  they  ought  to  obey  him  for  their 
own  fakes  more  than  for  his  :  Suppofe  this  parent  at 
length  runs  diftra&ed,  and  attempts,  in  his  mad  fit,  to 
cut  all  his  children's  throats  :  Now,  in  this  cafe,  is  not 
the  reafon  before  afllgned,  why  thefe  children  mould 
obey  their  parent  while  he  continued  of  a  found  mind, 

namely,  their  common  good,  a  reafon  equally  conclufive 

for 


Non-Re fiftance  to  the  Higher  Powers.  31 

for  difobeying  and  refitting  him,  fince  he  is  become 
delirious,  and  attempts  their  ruin  ?  It  makes  no  alteration 
in  the  argument,  whether  this  parent,  properly  fpeaking, 
lofes  his  reafon ;  or  does,  while  he  retains  his  underftand- 
ing,  that  which  is  as  fatal  in  its  confequences,  as  any 
thing  he  could  do,  were  he  really  deprived  of  it.  This 
fimilitude  needs  no  formal  application  — 


. 
BUT  it  ought  to  be    remembred,  that  if  the  duty  of 

univerfal  obedience  and  non-refiftance  to  our  king  or 
prince,  can  be  argued  from  this  pafTage,  the  fame  unli 
mited  fubmiflion  under  a  republican,  or  any  other  form 
of  government  \  and  even  to  all  the  fubordinate  powers 
in  any  particular  ftate,  can  be  proved  by  it  as  well  : 
which  is  more  than  thofe  who  alledge  it  for  the  menti 
oned  purpofe,  would  be  willing  mould  be  inferred  from 
it.  So  that  this  paflage  docs  not  anfwer  their  purpofe  ; 
but  really  overthrows  and  confutes  it.  This  matter 
deferves  to  be  more  particularly  confidered. — The  ad 
vocates  for  unlimited  fubmiflion  and  paflive  obedience, 
do,  if  I  miftake  not,  always  fpeak  with  reference  to 
kingly  or  monarchical  government,  as  diftinguimed  from 
all  other  forms  ;  and,  with  reference  to  fubmitting  to  the 
will  of  the  king,  in  diftindlion  from  all  fubordinate 
officers,  acting  beyond  their  commiflion,  and  the  autho 
rity  which  they  have  received  from  the  crown.  It  is 
not  pretended  that  any  perfon  befides  kings,  have  a  di 
vine  right  to  do  what  they  pleafe,  fo  that  no  one  may 
refift  them,  without  incurring  the  guilt  of  factioufnefs 
and  rebellion.  If  any  other  fupreme  powers  opprefs  the 

people. 


3  2         Of  unlimited  Submiffion^  and 

people,  it  is  generally  allowed,  that  the  people  may 
get  redrefs,  by  refinance,  if  other  methods  prove  inef- 
feftual.  And  if  any  officers  in  a  kingly  government, 
go  beyond  the  limits  of  that  power  which  they  have  de 
rived  from  the  crown,  (the  fuppofed  original  fource  of 
all  power  and  authority  in  the  ftate)  and  attempt,  ille 
gally,  to  take  away  the  properties  and  lives  of  their  fel 
low-  fubjefts,  they  may  be  forcibly  refitted,  at  lead  till 
application  can  be  made  to  the  crown.  But  as  to  the 
fovereign  himfelf,  he  may  not  be  refitted  in  any  cafe  ; 
nor  any  of  his  officer?,  while  they  confine  themfelves 
within  the  bounds/ which  he  has  prefcribed  to  them. 
This  is,  I  think,  a  true  fketch  of  the  principles  of  thofe 

who  defend  the  do6lrine  of  paffive  obedience   and  non- 

* 

refinance.  Now  there  is  nothing  in  fcripture  which 
fupports  this  fcheme  of  political  principles.  As  to  the 
pafTage  under  confideration,  the  apoflle  here  fpeaks  of 
civil  rulers  in  general  •,  of  all  perfons  in  common,  vefted 
with  authority  for  the  good  of  fociety,  without  any  par 
ticular  refeYehce  to  one  form  of  government,  more  than 
to  another;  or  to  the  fupreme  power  in  any  particular 
flate,  more  than  to  fubordinate  powers.  The  apoftle 
does  not  concern  himfelf  with  the  different  forms  of  go 
vernment,  f  This  he  fuppofes  left  intirely  to  human 

prudence 
'j|j.-:       -  l   i^&vStil 

•f-  The  effence  of  government  (.1  mean  good  government;  and 
this  is  the  only  government  which  the  apoitle  treats  of  in  this  paf- 
fage  )  confilis  in  the  making  and  executing  of  good  laws  —  laws 
attempered  to  the  common  felicity  of  \kt  governed.  And  if  this  be, 
infaiJ,  <lon-e,  ins  evidently,, in  it  felf,  a  t'hing  of  no  confequence 
at  all,  what  the  particular  form  of  government  is  .; —  whether  the 
•  JegifUtiye  and  executive  power  be  lodged  in  one  and  the  fame  per- 

«* 


Non-Refiftance  to  the  Higher  Powers.  3  3 

prudence  and  difcretion.     Now   the  confequence  of  this 
is,  that  unlimited  and  paffive  obedience,   is  no   more 
enjoined  in  this  pafTage,  under  monarchical  government ; 
or  to  the  fupreme  power  in  any  ftate,  than  under  all 
other  fpecies  of  government,  which    anfwer  the  end  of 
government  ;  or,  to  all  the  fubordinate  degrees  of  civil 
authority,   from    the   highed   to   the    lowed.      Thofe, 
therefore,  who  would  from  this  paflage  infer  the  guilt 
of  refiding  kings,  in  all   cafes  whatever,  though  acYmg 
ever  fo  contrary  to  the  defign  of  their  office,  mud,  if  they 
will  be  confident,  go  much  farther,  and  infer  from  it  the 
guilt  of  refidance  under  all  other  forms  of  government ; 
and  of  refilling  any  petty  officer  in  the  date,   tho*  afling 
beyond  his  commifilon,    in  the  mod   arbitrary,  illegal 
manner  poflible.     The  argument  holds  equally  drong  in 
both  cafes.    All  civil  rulers,  as  fuch,  are  the  ordinance  and 
minifters  of  God  ;  and  they  are  all,  by  the  nature  of  their 
office,  and  in  their  refpective  fpheres  and  dations,  bound 
to  confult  the  public  welfare.     With  the  fame   reafon 
therefore,  that  any   deny  unlimited  and  paffive  obedi- 

fon,  or  in  different  perfons  ;  —  whether  in  one  perfon,  whom  we 
call  an  abfolute  monarch  ;  —  whether  in  a/fw,  fo  as  to  conftitute 
an  arijlocrafy  ;  —  whether  in  many,  fo  as  to  conftitute  a  republic  ; 
or  whether  in  three  co-ordinate  branches,  in  fuch  manner  as  to 
make  the  government  partake  fomething  of  each  of  thefe  forms  ; 
and  to  be,  at  the  fame  time,  effentially  different  from  them  all.  If 
the  end  be  attained,  it  is  enough.  But  no  form  of  government 
feems  to  be  fo  unlikely  to  accomplifh  this  end,  as  abfolute  mo 
narchy  Nor  is  there  any  one  that  has  fo  little  pretence  to  a 

divine  original,  unlefs  it  be  in  this  fenfe,  that  God/Vy?  introduced 
it  into,  and  thereby  overturned,  the  common  wealth  of  Ifrael,  as 
zcurfe  upon  that  people  for  their  folly  and  <wickednefs,  particularly 
in  drfiring  fuch  a  government.  (See  I  Sam.  viii.  chap.)  Jult 
fo  God,  before,  fent  Quails  amongft  them,  as  a  plague,  and  a 
cur/et  and  not  as  a  ble/mg.  Numb.  chap.  xi. 

F  ence 


34          Of  unlimited  Sulmiffion^  and 

cnce  to  be  here  injoined  under  a  republic  or  ariftocrafy, 
or  any  other  eftablifhed  form  of  civil  government  ;  or 
to  fubordinate  powers,  acting  in  an  illegal  and  oppreflive 
manner  •,  (with  the  fame  reafon)  others  may  deny,  that 
fuch  obedience  is  enjoined  to  a  king  or  monarch,  or  any 
civil  power  whatever.  For  the  apoflle  fays  nothing  that  is 
peculiar  to  kings  \  what  he  fays,extends  equally  to  all  other 
perfons  whatever,  vetted  with  any  civil  office.  They  are 
all,  in  exactly  the  fame  fenfe,  the  ordinance  of  God  ;  and 
the  minifters  of  God  ;  and  obedience  is  equally  enjoined 
to  be  paid  to  them  all.  For,  as  the  apoflle  exprefies  it, 
there  is  NO  POWER  but  of  God:  And  we  are  requi 
red  to  render  to  ALL  their  DUES  ;  and  not  MORE 
than  their  DUES.  And  what  thefe  dues  are,  and  to 
vpbom  they  are  to  be  rendered,  the  apofrkfayetb  not\  but 
leaves  to  the  reafon  and  confciences  of  men  to  determine. 

!    ' 

THUS  it  appears,  that  the  common  argument, 
grounded  upon  this  paffage,  in  favor  of  univerfal,  and 
paffive  obedience,  really  overthrows  itfelf,  by  proving 
too  much,  if  it  proves  any  thing  at  all  ,  namely,  that 
no  civil  officer  is,  in  any  cafe  whatever,  to  be  refilled, 
though  acting  in  exprefs  contradiction  to  the  defign,  of 
his  office  •,  which  no  man,  in  his  fenfes,  ever  did,  or  can 

*  *  '  briij 

aflfert. 


.".   .    ! 

IF  we  calmly  confider  the  nature  of  the  thing  itfelf, 
nothing  can  well  be  imagined  more  directly  contrary  to 
common  fenfe,  than  to  fuppofe  that  millions  of  people 

fhould   be  fubjected  to  the  arbitrary,  precarious  pleafure 

of 


Non-Re fiftance  to  the  Higher  Powers.  3  5 

of  one  fingle  man  ;  (who  has  naturally  no  fuperiority 
over  them  in  point  of  authority,)  fo  that  their  eftates, 
and  every  thing  that  is  valuable  in  Jife,  and  even  their 
lives  alfo,  fhall  be  abfolutely  at  his  difpofal,  if  he  happens 
to  be  wanton  and  capricious  enough  to  demand  them. 
What  unprejudiced  man  can  think,  that  God  made  ALL 
to  be  thus  fubfervient  to  the  lawlefs  pleafure  and  phrenzy 
of  ONE,  fo  that  it  fhall  always  be  a  fin  to  refift  him  ! 
Nothing  but  the  mod  plain  and  exprefs  revelation  from 
heaven  could  make  a  fobef  impartial  man  believe  fuch 
a  monftrous,  unaccountable  doctrine,  and,  indeed,  the 
thing  itfelf,  appears  fo  ihocking  —  fo  out  of  all  propor 
tion^  that  it  may  be  queftioned,  whether  all  the  miracles 
that  ever  were  wrought,  could  make  it  credible,  that 
this  do&rine  really  came  from  God.  At  prefent,  there 
is  not  the  lead  fyllable  in  fcripture  which  gives  any  coun 
tenance  to  it.  The  hereditary,  indefeafihle,  divine  right 
of  kings,  and  the  doctrine  of  non-refiftance,  which  is  built 
upon  the  fuppofition  of  fuch  a  right,  are  altogether  as 
Fabulous  and  chimerical,  as  tranfubftantiation  \  or  any  of 
the  moft  abfurd  reveries  of  ancient  or  modern  vifionaries.' 
Thefe  notions  are  fetched  neither  from  divine  revelation, 
nor  human  realon  ;  and  if  they  are  derived  from  neither 
of  thofe  fources,  it  is  not  much  matter  from  whence  they 
erne,  or  whither  they  go.  Only  it  is  a  pity  that  fuch 
doctrines  fhould  be  propagated  in  fociety,  to  raife  fac 
tions  and  rebellions,  as  we  fee  they  have,  in  fact,  been 
both  in  the  l-aft^  and  in  the  prefent^  REIGN. 

BUT  then,  if  unlimited  fubmiffion  and  paffive  obedi 
ence  to  the  higher  powers,  in  all  poflible  cafes,  be  not  a 

duty, 


3  6        Of  unlimited  Submijfion,    a?id 

duty,  it  will  be  afked,  "  How  far  are  we  obliged  to 
"  fubmit  ?  If  we  may  innocently  difobey  and  refift  in 
"  fome  cafes,  why  not  in  all  ?  Where  fhall  we  flop  ? 
"  What  is  the  meafure  of  our  duty  ?  This  doftrine 
«c  tends  to  the  total  difiblution  of  civil  government  ; 
cc  and  to  introduce  fuch  fcenes  of  wild  anarchy  and  con- 
^  fufion,  as  are  more  fatal  to  'fociety  than  the  worfl  of 
"  tyranny." 

rr 

AFTER  this  manner,  fome  men  object  ;  and,  indeed, 
this  is  the  mqft  plaufible  thing  that  can  be  faid  in  favor 
of  fuch  an  abfolute  fubmiffion  as  they  plead  for.  But 
the  worfl  (or  rather  the  beft)  of  it,  is,  that  there  is  very- 
little  flrength  or  folidity  in  it.  For  fimilar  difficulties 
may  be  raifed  with  refpect  to  almofl  every  duty  of  natural 
and  revealed  religion. — Toinftance  only  in  two,  both  of 
which  are  near  akin,  and  indeed  exactly  parallel,  to  the  cafe 
before  us.  It  is  unqueftionably  the  duty  of  children  to 
fubmit  to  their  parents ;  and  of  fervants,  to  their  mailers, 
But  no  one  afTerts,  that  it  is  their  duty  to  obey,  and 
fubmit  to  them,  in  all  luppofeable  cafes  ;  or  univerfally 
a  fm  to  refift  them.  Now  does  this  tend  to  fubvert  the 
juft  authority  of  parents  and  matters  ?  Or  to  introduce 
confufion  and  anarchy  into  private  families  ?  No.  How 
then  does  the  fame  principle  tend  to  unhinge  the  govern^ 
ment  of  that  larger  family,  the  body  politic  ?  We  know> 
in  general,  that  children  and  fervants  are  obliged  to 
obey  their  parents  and  matters  refpectively.  We  know 
alfo,  with  equal  certainty,  that  they  are  not  obliged  to 
fubmit  to  them' in  all  things,  without  exception  ;  but 

may,  in  fame  cafes,  reafonably,  and  therefore  innocently, 

refift 


Non-Refiftance  to  the  Higher  Powers.  37 

refift  them.  Thefe  principles  are  acknowledged  upon  all 
hands,  whatever  difficulty  there  may  be  in  fixing  the 
exact  limits  of  fubmifTion.  Now  there  is  at  lead  as 
much  difficulty  in  dating  the  meafure  of  duty  in  thefc 
two  cafes,  as  in  the  cafe  of  rulers  and  fubjects.  So  that 
this  is  really  no  objection,  at  lead  no  reafonable  one, 
againfl  refiftance  to  the  bigber  -powers  :  Or,  if  it  is  one^ 
it  will  hold  equally  againft  refiftance  in  the  other  cafes 
mentioned.  —  It  is  indeed  true,  that  turbulent,  vicious- 
minded  men,  may  take  occafion  from  this  principle,  that 
their  rulers  may,  in  Ibme  cafes,  be  lawfully  refilled,  to 
raife  factions  and  difturbances  in  the  (late  •,  and  to  make 
refiftance  where  refiftance  is  needlefs,  and  therefore,  fin- 
ful.  But  is  it  not  equally  true,  that  children  and  fer- 
vants  of  turbulent,  vicious  minds,  may  take  occafion  from 
this  principle,  that  parents  and  matters  may,  in  fome 
cafes  be  lawfully  refitted,  to  refift  when  refiftance  is  un- 
neceflfary,  and  therefore,  criminal  ?  Is  the  principle  in 
either  cafe  falfe  in  itfelf,  merely  becaufe  it  may  be  abu- 
fed  -,  and  applied  to  legitimate  difobedience  and  refift 
ance  in  thofe  inftances,  to  which  it  ought  not  to  be 
applied  ?  According  to  this  way  of  arguing,  there  will  be 
no  true  principles  in  the  world  ;  for  there  are  none  but 
what  may  be  wrefted  and  perverted  to  ferve  bad  pur- 
pofes,  either  through  the  weaknefs  or  wickednefsof  men.f 
«iv*-  A 

f  WE  may  very  fafeiy  afTert  thefe  two  things  in  general,  without 
undermining  government  :  One  is,  That  no  civil  rulers  are  to  be 
obeyed  when  they  enjoin  things  that  are  inconfiftent  with  the 
commands  of  God  :  All  fuch  diiobedience  is  lawful  and  glorious  ; 
particularly, if  perfons  refufeto  comply  with  any  legal  eJiablijT^ment 
of 'religion ,  becaufe  it  is  a  grofs  p.erverfion  and  corruption  (  as  to 

do&rine, 


3  8         Of  unlimited  Submijjlon^  and 

A  PEOPLE,  really  oppreiTed  to  a  great  degree  by 
their  fovereign,  cannot  well  be  infenfible  when  they  are 
fo  opprefifed.  And  fuch  a  people  (if  I  may  allude  to  art 

ancient  fable)  have,  like  the  befperian  fruit,  a  DRAGON 

for 

doctrine,  worfhip  and  difcipllne  )  of  a  pure  and  divine  religion, 
brought  from  heaven  to  earth  by  the  Son  of  God,  (  the  only  King 
and  Head  of  the  chrijlian  church  )    and  propagated  through  the 
world  by  his  infpired  apoftles.     All  commands  running  counter 
to  the  declared  will  of  the  fupreme  legislator  of  heaven  and  earth, 
are  null  and  void  :  And  therefore  difobedience  to  them  is  a  duty, 
not  a  crime.    (See  the  marginal  note,  page  7.)  —  Another  thing 
that  may  be  afferted  with  equal  truth  and  fafety,  is,  That  no  go 
vernment  is  to  be  fubmitted  to,    at  the  expence  of  that  which  is 
the  fole  end  of  all  government,  —  the  common  good  and  fafety  of 
fociety.     Becaufe,  to  fubmit  in  this  cafe,  if  it  fhould  ever  happen, 
would  evidently  be  to  fet  up  the  means  as  more  valuable,  and  a- 
bove,  the  end-,  than  which  there  cannot  be  a  greater  folecifm  and 
contradiction.     The  only  reafon  of  the  inftitution  of  civil  govern 
ment  ;  and  the  only  rational  ground  of  fubmiflion  to  it,  is    the 
common   fafety  and  utility.     If  therefore,  in  any  cafe,  the  com 
mon  fafety  and  utility  would  not  be  promoted   by  fubmifiion  to 
government,  but  the  contrary,  there  is  no  ground  or  motive  for 
obedience  and  fubmiflion,  but,  for  the  contrary. 
WHOEVER  confiders  the  nature  of  civil  government   muft,  indeed, 
be  fenfible  that  a  great   degree  of  implicit  confidence,   muft  un 
avoidably  be  placed  in  thofe  that  bear  rule  :  this  is  implied  in  the 
very  notion  of  authority's  being  originally  a  trufl,  committed  by 
the  people,   to  thofe  who  are  vefted  with  it,  as  all  juft  and  righ 
teous  authority  is  ;    all  befides,  is  mere  lawlefs  force  and  ufurpa- 
tion  ;    neither  God  nor  nature,  having  given  any  man  a  right  of 
dominion  over  any  fociety,  independently   of  that  fociety 's  ap 
probation, and  confent  to  be  governed  by  him — Now  as  all  men 
are  fallible,  it  cannot    be  fuppofed   that  the  public  affairs  of  any 
ftate,  ftiould  be  always  adminiftred  in   the  beft   manner  poffible, 
even  by  perfons  of  the  greateft  wifdom  and  integrity.     Nor  is  it 
fufficient  to  legitimate  difobedience  to  the  higher  powers  that  they 
are  not  fo  adminiftred  ;  or  that  they  are,   in  fome  inftances,  very 
ill-managed  ;    for  upon  this  principle,  it  is  fcarcely  fuppofeable 
that  any  government  at  all  could  be  fupported,  or  fubfift.   Such  a 
principle    manifeftly    tends  to  the  diffoiution    of    government  ; 
and  to  throw  all  things  imo  confulion    and  anarchy.  — But   it  is 
equally   evident,  upon  the  other    hand,  that   thofe  in  authority 
may  abufe  their    trujl  and  power  to  fuch  a  degree,   that   neither 
the  law  of  reafon,   nor  of  religion,  requires,  that  any  obedience 

or 


Non-RefiJtance  to  tie  Higher  Powers.  39 

fbr  their  proteffor  and  guardian :    Nor  would  they  have 
any  reafon  to  mourn,  if  fome  HERCULES  fhould  ap- 

or  fubmiffion  fhould  be  paid  to  them  ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  that 
they  fhould  be  totally  diCcarded ;  and  the  authority  which  they 
were  before  vefted  with,  transferred  to  other?,  who  may  exercife 
it  more  to  thofe  good  purpofes  for  which  it  is  given. — Nor  is 
this  principle,  that  refinance  to  the  higher  powers,  is,  in  fome  ex 
traordinary  cafes,  juftifiable,  fo  liable  to  abufc,  as  many  perfons 
feem  to  apprehend  it.  For  although  there  will  be  always  fome 
petulant,  querulous  men,  in  every  ttate  —  men  of  ^factious,  tur 
bulent  and  carping  difpofitions, —  glad  to  lay  hold  of  any  trifle  to 
juftify  and  legitimate  their  caballing  againft  their  rulers,  and 
other  feditious  practices  ;  yet  there  are,  comparatively  fpeaking, 
but  few  men  of  this  contemptible  charafier.  It  does  not  appear 
but  that  mankind,  in  general,  have  a  difpofition  to  be  as  fubmif- 
five  and  paflive  and  tame  under  government  as  they  ought  to  be. 
----Witnefs  a  great,  if  not  the  greateft,  part  of  the  known  world, 
who  are  now  groaning,  but  not  murmuring,  under  the?  heavy 
yoke  of  tyranny  !  While  thofe  who  govern,  do  it  with  any  toler 
able  degree  of  moderation  and  juftice,  and,  in  any  good  meafurfi 
act  up  to  their  office  and  character,  by  being  public  benefactors  ; 
the  people  will  generally  be  eafy  and  peaceable  ;  and  be  rather 
inclined  to  flatter  and  adore,  than  to  infuh  and  refift,  them.  Nor 
was  there  ever  any  general  complaint  againft  any  adminiftration, 
nvbick  lafted  longt  but  what  there  was  good  reafon  for.  Till 
people  find  themfelves  greatly  abufed  and  opprefTcd  by  their  gover 
nors,  they  are  not  apt  to  complain;  and  whenever  they  do,  in  fact, 
find  themfelves  thus  abufed  and  opprefled,they  muftbeftupid  not  to 
complain.  To  fay  that  fubjectsin  general  are  not  proper  judges 
when  their  governors  opprefs  them,  and  play  the  tyrant  ;  and 
when  they  defend  their  rights,  adminifter  juftice  impartially,  and 
promote  the  public  welfare,  is  as  great  treafon  as  ever  man  utter 
ed  ;  —  'tis  treafon,  —  not  againrt  one  Jtngle  man,  but  the  ftate 
—  againft  the  whole  body  politic  ;  —  'tis  treafon  againft  man 
kind  -t —  'tis  treafon  againft  common  fenfe  ,•  —  'tis  treafon  againft 
God.  And  this  impious  principle  lays  the  foundation  for  juftify- 
ing  all  the  tyranny  and  oppreffion  that  ever  any  prince  was  guilty 
of.  The  people  know  for  what  end  they  fet  up,  and  maintain, 
their  governors  ;  and  they  are  the  proper  judges  when  they  ex 
ecute  their  tntf  as  they  ought  to  do  it ; —  when  their  prince  ex- 
ercifes  an  equitable  and  paternal  authority  over  them  ; —  when 
from  a  prince  and  common  father,  he  exalts  himfelf  into  a  ty 
rant —  when  from  fubjects  and  children,  he  degrades  them  into 
the  clafsof  flaves  ; —  plunders  them,  makes  them  his  prey,  and 
unnaturally  fports  himfelf  with  their  lives  and  fortunes 

pear 


4o       of  King  CHARLES'S        • 

pear  to  difpatch  him — For  a  nation  thus  abufed  to  arife 
unanimoufly,  and  to  refift  their  prince,  even  to  the  de 
throning  him,  is  not  criminal  ;  but  a  reafonable  way  of 
vindicating  their  liberties  and  juft  rights  ;  it  is  making 
ufe  of  the  means,  and  the  only  means,  which  God  has 
put  into  their  power,  for  mutual  and  felf-defence.  And 
it  would  be  highly  criminal  in  them,  not  to  make  ufe 
of  this  means.  It  would  be  ftupid  tamenefs,  and  unac 
countable  folly,  for  whole  nations  to  fuffer  one  unreafona- 
ble,  ambitious  and  cruel  man,  to  wanton  and  riot  in  their 
mifery.  And  in  fuch  a  cafe  it  would,  of  the  two,  be 
more  rational  to  fuppofe,  that  they  that  did  NOT  refift^ 
than  that  they  who  did,  would  receive  to  tbemfetoes 
damnation. 


And 


naturally  brings  us  to  make  fome  reflections 
upon  the  refiflance  which  was  made  about  a  century 
fince,  to  that  unhappy  prince,  KING  CHARLES  I  ; 
and  upon  the  ANNIVERSARY  of  his  death.  This  is 
a  point  which  I  fliould  not  have  concerned  myfelf  about, 
were  it  not  that  fome  men  continue  to  fpeak  of  it,  even 
to  this  day,  with  a  great  deal  of  warmth  and  zeal  ;  and 
in  fuch  a  manner  as  to  undermine  all  the  principles  of 
LIBERTY,  whether  civil  or  religious,  and  to  introduce 
the  moft  abject  flavery  both  in  church  and  ftate  :  fo 
that  it  is  become  a  matter  of  univerfal  concern. — What 
I  have  to  offer  upon  this  fubject,  will  be  comprifed  in 

a  fhort  anfwer   to  the  following  queries  \    viz. 

FOR 


f  •  • 

SAINTSHIP  and  MARTYRDOM.       41 

FOR   what  reafon  the  refiftance  to  king  Charles  the 
Firft  was  made  ? 

BY  whom  it   was  made  ? 

WHETHER,   this  refiftance   was  REBELLION,  t  or 
not   ? 

How  the  Anniversary  of  king  Charles's  death  came  at 
frft  to  be  folemnized  as  a  day  of  falling  and  humiliation  ? 
And  laftly, 

WHY  thofe  of  the  epifcopal  clergy  who  are  very  high 
in  the  principles  of  ecclejiaftical  authority,  continue  to 
fpeak  of  this  unhappy  man,  as  a  great  SAINT  and  a 
MARTYR  ? 

FOR  what  reafon,  then,  was  the  refiftance  to  king 
Charles^  made  ?  The  general  anfwer  to  this  inquiry  is, 
that  it  was  on  account  of  the  tyranny  and  oppre/ion  of  his 
reign.  Not  a  great  while  after  his  accefiion  to  the 
throne,  he  married  a  french  catholic  -,  and  with  her  feemed 
to  have  wedded  the  politics,  if  not  the  religion  of  France^ 
alfo.  For  afterwards,  during  a  reign,  or  rather  a  tyranny 
of  many  years,  he  governed  in  a  perfectly  wild  and  arbi 
trary  manner,  paying  no  regard  to  the  conftitution  and 
the  laws  of  the  kingdom,  by  which  the  power  of  the 
crown  was  limited  ;  or  to  the  folemn  oath  which  he  had 
taken  at  his  coronation.  It  would  be  endlefs,  as  well 
asneedlefs,  to  give  a  particular  account  of  all  the  Illegal 
and  defpotic  meafures  which  he  took  in  his  adminiftra- 
tion  ; — partly  from  his  own  natural  luft  of  power,  and 
partly  from  the  influence  of  wicked  councellors  and 

f  N.  B.  I  fpeak  of  rebellion,  treafon,  faintfhip,  martyrdom,  &c. 
throughout  this  difcourfe,  only  in  the  Jcriptural  and  theological 
fenfe.  I  know  not  how  the  taw  defines  them  ;  the  ftudy  of  that 
not  being  my  employment . 

G  minifters.— « 


42       of  King  CHARLES'S 

miniders. — He  committed  many  illudrious  members  of 
both  houfes  of  parliament  to  the  tower  ^  oppofing  his  ar 
bitrary  fchemes. > — He  levied  many  taxes  upon  the  people 
without  confent  of  parliament  \ — and   then  imprifoned 
great  numbers  of  the  principal  merchants  and  gentry  for 
not  paying  them.— He  ere&ed,  or  at  lead  revived,  feveral 
new  and  arbitrary  courts,  in  which  the   mod  unheard-of 
barbarities    were  committed   with   his    knowledge  and 
approbation —    He  fupported  that    more    than    fiend, 
arch-bifliop  Laud  and  the  clergy  of  his  damp,  in  all  their 
church-tyranny  and  hellifh   cruelties  — He  authorifed  a 
book  in  favor  of  fports  upon  the  Lord's -day  •,  and  feveral 
clergymen  were  perfecuted   by  him  and  the   mentioned 
pious  bifhop,  for  not  reading  it  to  the  people  after  divine 
fervice — When  the  parliament  complained  to  him  of  the 
arbitrary  proceedings  of  his   corrupt   miniders,  he  told 
that  auguft  body,   in  a  rough,  domineering,  unprincely 
manner,  that  he  wondred  any  one   fliould  be  fo  foolifli 
and   infolent  as  to   think  that  he  would  part  with  the 
meaneft  of  his  fervants  upon  their  account- — He  refufed 
to  call  any   parliament  at   all  for  the  fpace  of  twelve 
years  together,  during  all  which   time,  he  governed  in  an 
abfolute  lawlefs  and  defpotic  manner — He  took  all  op 
portunities  to  encourage  ihepapifts,  and  to  promote  them 
to  the  highed  offices  of  honor  and  trud  —  He  (  proba 
bly  )  abetted  the  horrid  mafTacre  in   Ireland,  m  which 
two  hundred  thoufand  protedants  were  butchered  by  the 
roman  catholics. — He  fent  a  large  fum  of  money,  which 
he  had  raifed  by  his  arbitrary  taxes,  into  Germany,  to  raife 

foreign  troops,  in  order  to  force  more  arbitrary  taxes 

upon 


SAINTSHIP  and  MARTYRDOM.        43 

upon  his  fubjefts. — He  not  only  by  a  long  feries  of  akli- 
OHSy  but  alfo  in  plain  terms,  afiferted  an  abfolnte  uncon- 
troulable  power  •,  faying  even  in  one  of  his  fpeeches  to 
parliament,  that  as  it  was  blafphemy  to   difpute  what 
God  might  do  •,  fo  it  was  fedition  in  fubjects  to  difpute 
what  the  king  might  do.  —  Towards  the  end   of  his 
tyranny,  he  came  to  the  houfe  of  commons  with  an  armed 
force,  f  and  demanded  five  of  its  principal  members   to 
be  delivered  up  to  him— And  this  was  a  prelude  to   that 
unnatural  war  which  he  foon  after  levied  againft  his  own 
dutiful  fubjedls  -,  whom  he  was  bound  by  all  the  laws  of 
honor,  humanity,  piety,  and  I  might  add, of  intereft  alfo,  to 
defend  and  cherifh  with  a  paternal  affedlion — I  have  only 
time  to  hint  at  thefe  fads  in  a   general  way,  all  which, 
and  many  more  of  the  fame  tenor,  may  be   proved  by 
good  authorities  :  So  that  the  figurative  language  which 
St.  John  ufes  concerning  thejufl  and  beneficent  deeds 
of  our  blefTed  Saviour,  may  be  applied  to  the  unrighteous 
and  execrable  deeds  of  this   prince,  viz.    And  there  are 
alfo  many    other  things  which  king  Charles  did,  the  which, 
if  they  jhould  be  written  every  one,  1  fuppofe  that  even  the 
world  itfelf,   could  not  contain   the   books   that   Jhould  be 
written.  *     Now  it   was  on  account  of  king   Charles  $ 
thus  afluming  a  power  above   the  laws,  in  direct  contra 
diction  to  his  coronation-oath,  and  governing  the  greateft 
part  of  his  time,  in  the  mod  arbitrary  oppreffive  manner  ; 
it  was  upon  this  account,  that  that  refi fiance  was  made 
f    '•  fi°it- 

•}-  Hiftorians  are  not  agreed,  what  number  of  foldiers  attended  him 
in  this  monftrous  invafion  of  the  priviledges  of  parliament — Some 
fay  300,  foine  400  :  And  the  author  of  i'be  bijiory  of  the  kings  of 
Scotland,  fays  500.  *  John  xxi.  25. 

to 


Of  King  C  H  A  R  L  E  S's 

to   him,  which,  at  length,  iflfued  in  the  lofs  of  his  crown, 
and  of  that  bead  which  was  unworthy  to  wear  it. 

BUT  by  whom  was  this   refiftance  made  ?    Not  by  a 
private  junto  -, — not  by  a  fmall  feditious  party  \— not  by 
a  few  defparadoes,  who,  to  mend  their   fortunes,   would 
embroil  the  ftate ;— but  by  the  LORDS  and  COMMONS 
of  England.    It  was  they  that  almoft  unanimoufly  oppofed 
the  king's  meafures  for  overturning  the  conftitution,  and 
changing  that  free  and  happy  government  into  a  wretched, 
abfolute  monarchy.     It  was  they  that  when  the  king  was 
about  levying  forces  againft  his  fubjecls,  in  order  to  make 
himfelf  abfolute,   commiflioned   officers,   and  raifed   an 
army  to  defend  themfelves  and  the  public  :  And  it  was 
they,  that  maintained  the  war  againft   him  all  along,  till 
he  was  made  a  prifoner.     This  is  indifputable.     Though 
it  was  not   properly  fpeaking  the   parliament,    but   the 
army,  which  put  him  to  death  afterwards.     And  it  ought 
to  be  freely   acknowledged,  that   moft  of  their  proceed 
ing,  in  order  to  get  this  matter   effected  ;    and  particu 
larly  the  court  by  which  the  king  was   at  lad  tried  and 
condemned,  was   little  better  than  a   mere   mockery  of 
juftice.— 

THE  next  queftion  which  naturally  arifes,  is,  whether 
this  refiftance  which  was  made  to  the  king  by  the  par 
liament^  was  properly  rebellion,  or  not  ?  The  anfwer  to 
which  is  plain,  that  it  was  not  ;  but  a  moft  righteous 
and  glorious  ftand,  made  in  defence  of  the  natural  and 
legal  rights  of  the  people,againft  the  unnatural  and  illegal 

encroachments  of  arbitrary  power.    Nor  was  this  a  rafh 

and 


SAINTSHIP  and  MARTYRDOM.        4.5 

and  too  fudden  oppofition.  The  nation  had  been  patient 
under  the  oppreffions  of  the  crown,  even  to  hng-fuf- 
fering  ;  —  fora  coUrfe  of  many  years ;  and  there  was  no 
rational  hope  of  redrefs  in  any  other  way — Refiftance  was 
abfoluteJy  neceflary  in  order  to  preferve  the  nation  from 
flavery,  mifery  and  ruin.  And  who  fo  proper  to  make 
this  refiftance  as  the  lords  and  commons  ; — the  whole 
reprefentative  body  of  the  people  ;  —  guardians  of  the 
public  welfare  ;  and  each  of  which  was,  in  point  of  le- 
giflation,  vetted  with  an  equal,  co-ordinate  power,  with 

that  of  the  crown  ?  -f-     Here  were  two  branches  of  the 

legiflature 

f  The  evglijh  conftitution  is  originally  and  efTentially/r^.  The  charac 
ter  which  J.  Cfefar  and  Tacitus  both  give  of  the  ancient  Britain* 
fo  long  ago,  is,  That  they  were  extremely  jealous  of  their  liberties, 
as  well  as  a  people  of  a  martial  fpirit.  Nor  have  there  been 
wanting  frequent  inftances  and  proofs  of  the  fame  glorious  fpirit 
(  in  both  refpedts  )  remaining  in  their  pofterity  ever  fince,  —  in 
the  ftruggles  they  have  made  for  liberty,  both  againft  foreign 

and  domeftic  tyrants.   Their  kings  hold  their  title  to   the 

throne,  iblely  by  grant  of  parliament  j    i.  e.  in  other  words,  by 
the  voluntary  confent  of  the  people.     And,    agreably  hereto,  the 
prerogative  and  rights  of  the  crown  are  dated,  defined  and  limited 
by  law  ;    and   that  as  truly   and  ftriclly  as  the  rights  of  any  in 
ferior  officer  in  the  ftate ;  or  indeed,  of  any  private  fubjecl.     And 
it  is  only  in  this  refpeft  that  it  can  be  faid,  that  "  the  king  can 
"  do  no  wrong."     Being  reftrained  by  the  law,  he  cannot,  while 
he    confines    himfelf  within   thofe    juft   limits  which   the   law 
prefcribes   to   Jiim   as    the    meafure    of   his   authority,  injure 
and  opprefs   the  fubjecl. —  The   king,   in   his  coronation  oath, 
fwears  to  exerc.ife   only  fuch  a   power  as    the  conftitution  gives 
him:    And.  the  fubjecl,  in  the  oath  of  allegiance,  fwears  only  to 
obey  him  in  the  exercife  of  fuch  a  power.     The  king1  is  as  much 
bound  by  his  oath,  not  to  infringe  the  legal  rights  of  the  people, 
as  the  people  are  bound  to  yield  fubjec~Uon  to  him.      From  whence 
it  follows,    that  as  foon  as  the  prince  fets  himfelf  up  above  law, 
he  lofes  the  king  in  the  tyrant  :    he  does  to  all  intents  and  pur- 
pofes,  unking  himfelf,  by  acting  out  of,  and  beyond,   that  fphere 
which   the  conftitution   allows   him  to  move  in.     And  in  fuch 
cafes,  he  has  no   more  right  to  be  obeyed,  than  any  inferior  of- 
who  acls  beyond  his  commifiion.    The  fubje&s  obligation 

to 


46        of  King  CHARLES'S 

legiflature  againft  one  5— two,  which  had  law  and  equity 
and  the  conftitution  on  their  fide,  againft  one  which  was 
impioufly  attempting  to  overturn  law  and  equity  and  the 
conftitution  ;  and  to  exercife  a  wanton  licentious  fovereign- 
ty  over  the  properties,   confciences  and   lives  of  all  the 
people: — Suchafovereignty  as  fome  inconfiderately  afcribe 
to  the  fupreme  Governor  of  the  world, — I  fay,  inconfi 
derately  ;  becaufe    God  himfelf  does  not   govern  in  an 
abfolutely  arbitrary  and  defpotic  manner.     The  power  of 
this    Almighty  King  (I  fpeak  it  not  without  caution  and 
reverence  ;  the  power  of  this  Almighty  King)  is  limited 
bylaw;  nor,  indeed,  by  afts  of  parliament,  but   by   the 
eternal  laws  of  truth,  wifdom  and  equity  ;  and  the  ever- 
lafting  tables  of  right  reafon    ;  —  tables  that  cannot   be 
repealed,  or  thrown  down  and  Iroken  like  thofe  of  Mofes. 
— But  king  Charles   fat    himfelf  up  above  all  thefe,   as 
much  as  he  did  above  the  written  laws  of  the  realm  ; 
and  made  mere  humor  and  caprice,  which  are  no  rule  at 
all,  the  only  rule  and  meafure  of  his  adminiftration.     And 
now,  is  it  not  perfectly    ridiculous  to  call   refiftance  to 
fuch  a  tyrant,    by  the  name  of  rebellion   ?  —  the  grand 
rebellion  ?  Even  that parliament,  which  brought  king 

to  allegiance  then  ceafes  of  courfe  :  and  to  refift  him,  is  no  more 
rebellion,  than  to  refill  any  foreign  invader.  There  is  an  effential 
difference  betwixt  government  and  tyranny  ;  at  leafl  under  fuch 
a  conftitution  as  the  (nglijh.  The  former  confifts  in  ruling  ac 
cording^  to  law  and  equity  ;  the  latter,  in  ruling  contrary  to  law 
and  equity.  So  alfo,  there  is  an  effential  difference  betwixt  re- 
fifting  a  tyrant,  and  rebellion  ;  The  former  is  a  juft  and  reafona- 
ble  felf- defence  ;  the  latter  confifts  in  refitting  a  prince  whofe  ad- 
miniftration  is  juft  and  legal  ;  and  this  is  what  denominates  it  a 
crime.  —  Now  it  is  evident,  that  king  Charleses  government  was 
illegal, and  very  oppreffive,  through  the  greateft  part  of  his  reign  : 
And,  therefore,  to  refill  him,  was  no  more  rebellion,  than  to  op- 
pofe  any  foreign  invader,  or  any  other  domeilic  opprefibr 

Charles 


SAINTSHIP  and  MARTYRDOM.         47 

Charles  II.  to  the  throne,  and  which  run  loyally  wad, 
feverely  reproved  one  of  their  own  members  for  condem 
ning  the  proceedings  of  that  parliament  which  firft  took 
up  arms  againft  the  former  king.  And  upon  the  fame 
principles  that  the  proceedings  of  this  parliament  may  be 
cenfured  as  wicked  and  rebellious,the  proceedings  of  thofe 
who,  fince,  oppofed  king  James  II,  and  brought  the 
prince  of  Orange  to  the  throne,  may  be  cenfured  as 
wicked  and  rebellious  alfo.  The  cafes  are  parallel.  —  But 
whatever  feme  men  may  think,  it  is  to  be  hoped  that,  for 
their  own  fakes,  they  will  not  dare  to  fpeak  againft  the 
REVOLUTION,  upon  the  juftice  and  legality  of  which 
depends  (in  part)  his  prefent  MAJESTY'S  right  to  the 
throne. 


IF  it  be  faid,  that  although  the  parliament  which  firft 
oppofed  king  Charles's  meafures,  and  at  length  took  up 
arms  againft  him,  were  not  guilty  of  rebellion  •,  yet  cer 
tainly  thofe  perfons  were,  who  condemned,  and  put 
him  to  death  ;  even  this  perhaps  is  not  true.  For  he 
had,  in  faft,  unkinged  himfelf  long  before,  and  had 
forfeited  his  title  to  the  allegiance  of  the  people.  So 
that  thofe  who  put  him  to  death,  were,  at  mod  only  guilty 
of  murder  ;  which,  indeed,  is  bad  enough,  if  they  were 
really  guiky  of  that  -,  (  which  is  at  leaft  difputable.  ) 
Cromwell^nd  thofe  who  were  principally  concerned  in  the 
(  nominat)  king's  death,  might  poflibly  have  been  very 
wicked  and  defigning  men.  Nor  fhall  I  fay  any  thing 
in  vindication  of  the  reigning,  bypocrify  of  thofe  times  j 
or  of  Cramwelfs  male-adminlftrajioa-  during,  the  inter* 
regnum\  (  for  it  is  /n^  and  not  a  party}  that  J  ar#  fpeak- 

ing 


48       Of  King  CHARLES'S 

ing  for.  )  But  ftill  it  may  be  faid,  that  Cromwell  and  his 
adherents  were  not,  properly  fpeaking,  guilty  of  rebellion  ; 
becaufe  he,  whom  they  beheaded  was  not,  properly  fpeak 
ing,  their  king  •,  but  a  lawlefs  tyrant.  —  much  lefs,  are  the 
whole  body  of  the  nation  at  that  time  to  be  charged  with 
rebellion  on  that  account  ;  for  it  was  no  national  aft  ; 
it  was  not  done  by  a  free  parliament.  And  much 
lefs  ftill,  is  the  nation  at  prefent,  to  be  charged  with  the 
great  fin  of  rebellion,  for  what  their  ancestors  did,  (or 
rather  did  NOT)  a  century  ago. 


BUT  how  came  the  anniverfary  of  kingC^r/^j's  death,1 
to  be  folemnized  as  a  day  of  fading  and  humiliation  ? 
The  true  anfwer  in  brief,  to  which  inquiry,  is,  that  this 
faft  was  inftituted  by  way  of  court  and  complement  to  king 
Cbarles  II,  upon  the  reftoration.  All  were  defirous  of 
making  their  court  to  him  •,  of  ingratiating  themfelves  ; 
and  of  making  him  forget  what  had  been  done  in  oppo- 
fition  to  his  father,  fo  as  not  to  revenge  it.  To  effect 
this,  they  ran  into  the  moft  extravagant  profefilons  of 
affeflion  and  loyalty  to  him,  infomuch  that  he  himfelf 
faid,  that  it'  was  a  mad  and  hair  brained  loyalty  which 
they  profefTed.  And  amongft  other  ftrange  things,  which 
his  firft  parliament  did,  they  ordered  the  'Thirtieth  of 
January  (  the  day  on  which  his  father  was  beheaded  )  to 
be  kept  as  a  day  of  foJemn  humiliation,  to  deprecate  the 
judgments  of  heaven  for  the  rebellion  which  the  nation 
had  been  guilty  of,  in  that  which  was  no  national  thing  ; 
and  which  was  not  rebellion  in  them  that  did  it  —  Thus 

they  foothed  and  flattered  their  new  king,  at  the  expence 

of 

• 


SAINTSHIP  and  MARTYRDOM.       49 

of  their  liberties :  —  And  were  ready  to  yield  up  freely 
to  Charles  II,  all  that  enormous  power,  which  they  had 
juftly  refilled  Charles  I,  for  ufurping  to  himfelf. 

THE  laft  query   mentioned,   was,  Why  thofe  of  the 

epifcopal  clergy   who  are  very  high   in  the  principles  of 

ecclefiafiical  authority,  continue  to  fpeak  of  this  unhappy 

prince  as  a  great  Saint  and  a  Martyr  ?  This,  we  know,  is 

what  they  conftantly  do,  efpecially   upon  the  3Oth  of 

January  ;  —  a  day  facred  to  the  extolling  of  him,  and  to 

the  reproaching  of  thofe  who   are  not  of  the   eflabli/hed 

church.     Out  of  the  fame  mouth  on  this  day,  proceedeth 

lleffing  and  curfing  ;    *f    there  with  blefs  they  their  God, 

even  Charles,  and  therewith  curfe  they  the  diflenters :  And 

their  tongue  can  no  man  tame  •,  //  is  an  unruly  evil,  full 

vf  deadly  poifon.     King  Charles  is,  upon  this  folemnity, 

frequently  compared  to  our  Lord  Jefus   Chrift,  both  in 

refpect  of  the  -bolinefs  of  his  life,   and   the  greatnefs  and 

injuftice  of  his  fufferings  •,  and  it  is  a  wonder  they  do  not 

add  fomething  concerning  the  merits  of  his  death,  alfq — 

But  blejfed  faint  and  royal  martyr,  are  as  humble  titles  as 

any  that  are  thought  worthy  of  him. 

Now  this  may,  at  firft  view,  well  appear  to  be  a  very] 
ft  range  phenomenon.     For  king  Charles  was  really  a  mai 
black  with  guilt  and  laden  with  iniquity,  |]  as  appears  byj 
his  crimes  before- mentioned.     He  liv'd  a  tyrant  ;    an< 
it  was  the  opprefTion  and   violence  of  his   reign,   thai 
brought  him   to  his  untimely  and    violent  end  at  laftj 
Now  what  of  faintfhip  or  martyrdom  is  there  in  all  this 

,vtJan,Hi.\9,.°.  II  «*   '-  4-  ' 


50  Of  King  C H  A  R  L  E  S's 

What  of  faintfhip  is  there  in  encouraging  people  to  'pro 
fane  the  Lord's  Day  ?  What  of  faintfhip  in  falfhood 
and  perjury  ?  What  of  faintfhip  in  repeated  robberies, 
and  depredations  ?  What  of  faintfhip  in  throwing  real 
faints,  and  glorious  patriots,  into  goals  ?  What  of  faint- 
Ihip  in  overturning  an  excellent  civil  conftitution  ; — . 
and  proudly  grafping  at  an  illegal  and  monflrous  power  ? 
.What  of  faintfhip  in  the  murder  of  thoufands  of  inno 
cent  people  ;  and  involving  a  nation  in  all  the  calamities 
of  a  civil  war  ?  And  what  of  martyrdom  is  there,  in  a 
man's  bringing  an  immature  and  violent  death  upon 
himfelf,  by  being  wicked  overmuch  ?  f  Is  there  any  fuch 
thing  as  grace,  without  goodnefs !  As  being  a  follower 
of  Chrift,  without  following  him  ?  As  being  his  difciple, 
without  learning  of  him  to  be  juft  and  beneficent  ?  Or, 
as  faintfhip  without  fandity  ?  *  If  not,  I  fear  it  will 
be  hard  to  prove  this  man  a  faint.  And  verily  one 
would  be  apt  to  fufpect  that  that  church  muft  be  but 

i  Ecclef.  vii.  17. 

*  Is  it  any  wonder  that  even  perfons  who  do  not  ivalk  after  their 
own  lufts,  fhould/ri^ at  fucb  faints  as  this,  both  in  theory?  and  in 
the  lajl  days,  even  from  everlafting  to  everlafting  ?  2  Pet.  iii.  3,4. 
—But  perhaps  it  will  be  faid,  that  thefe  things  are  MYSTERIES, 
which  (  although  very  true  in  themfelves  )  I  ay -under {landings  can 
not  comprehend  :  Or,  indeed,  any  other  perfons  amongft  us,  be- 
fides  thofe  who  being  INWARDLY  MOVED  BY  THE 
HOLY  GHOST,  have  taken  a  trip  acrofs  the  Atlantic  to 
obtain  epifcopal  ordination  and  the  indelible  character.—  However, 
if  thefe  confecrated  gentlemen  do  not  quite  defpair  of  us,  it  is  hoped 
that,  in  the  abundance  of  their  charity,  they  will  endeavour  to 
illucidate  thefe  dark  points ;  and,  at  the  fame  time,  explain  the 
creed  of  another  of  their  eminent  faint  3 1  which  we  are  told,  that 
unlefs  we  believe  faithfully,  (  i.  e.  belien)ingly}  nve  cannot  be  fa<ved'. 
which  creed,  (  or  rather  riddle  }  notwithftanding  all  the  labours 

of  the  pious and  metapbyjtcal  Dr.  Waterland,  remains  fome- 

\vhat  ^enigmatical  ftill» 

foorfy 


SAINTSHIP  and  MARTYRDOM;       51 

foorly  flocked  with  faints  and  martyrs,  which  is  forced  to 
adopt  fuch  enormous  finners  into  her  kalendary  in  order 
to  fwell  the  number. 

BUT  to  unravel  this  myftery  of  (  nonfenfe  as  well  as  of) 
iniquity,  which  has  already  worked  for  a  long  time  amongft 
us ;  *  or,  at  leaft,  to  give  the  mod  probable  folution  of 
it  ;  it  is  to  be  remembred,  that  king  Charles,  this 
lurlefque  upon  faintfhip  and  martyrdom,  though  fo  great 
an  oppreffor,  was  a  true  friend  to  the  Church  ; — fo  true 
a  friend  to  her,  that  he  was  very  well  affected  towards 
the  rowan  catholics  \  and  would,  probably,  have  been 
very  willing  to  unite  Lambeth  and  Rome.  This  appears 
by  his  marrying  a  true  daughter  of  that  true  mother  of 
harlots  •,  f  which  he  did  with  a  difpenfation  from  the 
Pope,  that  fupreme  BISHOP  •,  to  whom  when  he  wrote, 
he  gave  the  title  of  MOST  HOLY  FATHER.  His 
queen  was  extremely  bigotted  to  all  the  follies  and 
fuperftitions,  and  to  the  hierarchy,  of  Rome  ;  and  had  a 
prodigious  afcendency  over  him  all  his  life.  It  was,  in 
part,  owing  to  this,  that  he  (probably)  abetted  the  maf- 
facre  of  the  proteftants  in  Ireland  ;  that  he  affifted  in 
^extirpating  the  french  proteftants  at  Rochelle  ;  that  he 
all  along  encouraged  papi/ls,  and  popifhly  effected  cler 
gymen,  in  preference  to  all  other  perfons,  and  that  he 
upheld  that  monfter  of  wickednefs,  ARCH -BISHOP 
LAUD,  and  the  bifhops  of  his  {lamp,  in  all  their  church- 
tyranny  and  diabolical  cruelties.  In  return  to  his  kindnefs 
'  and  indulgence  in  which  refpeds,  they  caufed  many  of 

*    2  Their,  ii.   7.         f   Rev.  xvii,   5. 

the 


52        of  King  CHARLES'S 

the  pulpits  throughout  the  nation,  to  ring  with  the  divine 
abfolute,  indefeafible  right  of  kings;  with  the  praifesof 
Charles  and  his  reign  ;  and  with  the  damnable  fin  of 
refitting  the  Lord's  anointed,  let  him  do  what  he  would, 
So  that  not  Chrift,  but  Charles,  was  commonly  preached 
to  the  people.  —  In  plain  engli/h,  there  feems  to  have 
been  an  impious  bargain  (truck  up  betwixt  the  fcepter 
and  the  furplice,  for  enflaving  both  the  bodies  and  fouls 
of  men.  The  king  appeared  to  be  willing  that  the 
clergy  fhould  do  what  they  would, — fct  up  a  monftrous 
hierarchy  like  that  of  Rome, — a  monftrous  inquifition  like 
that  of  Spain  or  Portugal, — or  any  thing  elfe  which  their 
own  pride,  and  the  devil's  malice,  could  prompt  them 
to  :  Provided  always,  that  the  clergy  would  be  tools  to 
the  crown  ;  that  they  would  make  the  people  believe, 
that  kings  had  God's  authority  for  breaking  God's  law  •, 
that  they  had  a  commiffion  from  heaven  to  feize  the 
eftates  and  lives  of  their  fubjecls  at  pleafure  -,  and  that 
it  was  a  damnable  fin  to  refift  them,  even  when  they 
did  fuch  things  as  delerved  more  than  damnation.— 
This  appears  to  be  the  true  key  for  explaining  the  myfte- 
rlcus  doctrine  of  king  Charles's  fain.tfhip  and  martyrdom, 
Ha  was  a  faint,  not  becaufe  he  was  in  his  life,  a  good  ma#\ 
but  a  good  churchman  -,  not  becaufe  he  was  a  lover  o£ 
.  holinefs,  but  the  hierarchy  ;  not  becaufe  he  was  a  friend 
to  Chrifi,  but  the  Craft.  And  he  was  a  martyr  in  his 
death,  not  becaufe  he  bravely  fnffered  death  in  the  caufe 
of  truth  and  righteoufnefs,  but  becaufe  he  died  an  enemy 
to  liberty  and  the  rights  of  confcience  ;  i.  e.  not  becaufe 

he  died  an  enemy  to  Jin,  but  diffinters.     For  thefe   rea- 

fons 


SAINTSHIP  and  MARTYRDOM.        53 

fons  it  is  that  all  bigotted  clergymen,  and  friends  to 
church-power,  paint  this  man  as  a  faint  in  his  life,  though 
he  was  fuch  a  mighty,  fuch  a  royal  finner  \  and  as  a 
martyr  in  his  death,  though  he  fell  a  facrifice  only  to 
his  own  ambition,  avarice,  and  unbounded  luft  of  power. 
And  from  proftituting  their  praife  upon  king  Charles, 
and  offering  him  that  incenfe  which  is  not  his  due,  it  is 
natural  for  them  to  make  a  tranfition  to  the  diiTenters, 
(as  they  commonly  do)  and  to  load  them  with  that  re 
proach  which  they  do  not  deferve  -,  they  being  generally 
profeffed  enemies  both  to  civil  and  ecclefiaftical  tyranny. 
WE  are  commonly  charged  (upon  the  Thirtieth  of  Ja 
nuary)  with  the  guilt  of  putting  the  king  to  death,  under 
a  notion  that  it  was  our  anceftors  that  did  it  •,  and  fo 
we  are  reprefented  in  the  blacked  colours,  not  only  as 
fcifmaticks,  but  alfo  as  traitors  and  rebels  and  all  that  is 
bad.  And  thefe  lofty  gentlemen  ufually  rail  upon  this 
head,  in  fuch  a  manner  as  plainly  (hows,  that  they  are 
either  grofly  ignorant  of  the  hiftory  of  thofe  times  which 
they  fpeak  of  ;  or,  which  is  worfe,  that  they  are  guilty 
of  the  mod  fhameful  prevarication,  flanderand  falfhood. 
— But  every  petty  prieft,  with  a  roll  and  a  gown,  thinks 
he  mufl  do  fomething  in  imitation  of  his  betters^  in 
"and  (how  himfelfa  true  fon  of  the  church  :  And  thus, 
through  a  foolifh  ambition  to  appear  conflderable^  they 
only  render  themfelves  contemptible. 

BUT  fuppofe  our  fore-fathers  did  kill  their  mock  faint 
and  martyr  a  century  ago,  what  is  that  to  us  now  ?  If  I 
mi  (lake  nor,  thefe  gentlemen  generally  preach  down  the 
doctrine  of  the  imputation  of  Adam's  Jin  to  bis 


as 


54-         Of  King  CHARLES'* 

as  abfurd  and  unreafonable,  notwithftanding  they  have 
folemnly  fubfcribed  what  is  equivalent  to  it  in  their  own 
articles  of  religion.  And  therefore  one  would  hardly  ex 
pect  that  they  would  lay  the  guilt  of  the  king's  death 
upon  us,  altho'  our  fore-fathers  had  been  the  only  authors 
of  it.  But  this  conduct  is  much  more  furprifing,  when  it 
does  not  appear  that  our  anceftors  had  any  more  hand  in 
it  than  their  own.  —  However,  bigotry  is  fufficient  to  ac 
count  for  this,  and  many  other  phenomena,  which  cannot 
be  accounted  for  in  any  other  way. 

ALTHOUGH  the  obfervation  of  this  anniverjary  feems  to 
have  been  (  at  lead  )  fuperftitions  in  its  original  •,  and  al 
though  it  is  often  abufed  to  very  bad  purpofes  by  the  efta- 
blimed  clergy,  as  they  ferve  themfelves  of  it,  to  perpetuate 
ftrife,  a  party  fpirit,  and  divifions  in  the  chriftian  church  ; 
yet  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  one  good  end  will  be  anfwered 
by  if,  quite  contrary  to  their  intention  :  It  is  to  be  hoped, 
that  it  will  prove  a  (landing  memento,  that  Britons  will  not 
bejlaves  ;  and  a  warning  to  all  corrupt  councellors  and 
minifters,  not  to  go  too  far  in  aclvifing  to  arbitrary,  def- 
potic  meafures  —  - 


To  conclude  :  Let  us  all  learn  to  be  free,  and  to  be 
loyal.  Let  us  not  profefs  ourfelves  vaflals  to  the  lawlefs 
pleafure  of  any  man  on  earth.  But  let  us  remember,  at 
the  fame  time,  government  is  facred,  and  not  to  be  trifled 
with,  It  is  our  happinefs  to  live  under  the  government  of 
a  PRINCE  who  is  fatisfied  with  ruling  according  to  law  -, 
as  every  other  good  prince  will  —  We  enjoy  under  his  ad- 

minidration  all  the   liberty  that  is  proper  and    expedient 

for 


SAINTSHIP  and  MARTYRDOM.        55 

for  us.  It  becomes  us,  therefore,  to  be  contented,  and 
dutiful  fubjedb.  Let  us  prize  our  freedom  ;  but  not 
ufe  our  liberty  for  a  cloke  of  malicioufnefs.  f  There  are 
men  who  flrike  at  liberty  under  the  term  licentioufnefs. 
There  are  others  who  aim  at  popularity  under  the  dif- 
guife  of  patriotifm.  Be  aware  of  both.  Extremes  are 
dangerous.  There  is  at  prefent  amongft  us,  perhaps, 
more  danger  of  the  latter,  than  of  the  former.  For 
which  reafon  I  would  exhort  you  to  pay  all  due  Regard 
to  the  government  over  us  ;  to  the  KING  and  all  in 
authority  -,  and  to  lead  a  quiet  and  peaceable  life.  4-  — 
And  while  I  am  fpeaking  of  loyalty  to  our  earthly  Prince, 
fuffer  me  juft  to  put  you  in  mind  to  be  loyal  alfo  to 
the  fupreme  RULER  of  the  univerfe,  by  whom  kings 
reign,  and  princes  decree  juftice.  *  To  which  king  eter 
nal  immortal,  invifible,  even  to  the  ONLY  WISE 
GOD,  0  be  all  honor  and  praife,  DOMINION  and 
thankfgiving,  through  JESUS  CHRIST  our  LORD. 
AMEN. 

f    i    Pet.  ii.     1 6.         4^1    Tim.    ii.  2.         *    Prov.   viii.   15. 
||   i   Tim.  i.    17. 

FINIS. 


iu  I  c. 


oi    n: 


:, 


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